Toward the Peace
DOCUMENTS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE PUBUCATION 2298
(Revision of War Documents, Publication 2162)
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. Price 15 Cents
United States Government Printing Office Washington : 1945
List of Documents
Page
Declaration of Principles, Known as the Atlantic Charter, hy the President of the United States and the Prime Minister
of the United Kingdom, August I4, 1941 1
Declaration by United Nations, January 1, 1942 2
Declaration of the United Nations Conference on Food and
Agriculture, June 3, 1943 3
House Concurrent Kesolution 25, Seventy-Eighth Congress
(Known as the Fulbright Resolution), September 21, 1943 . 4
The Moscow Conference:
Anglo-Soviet- American Commimique, Released November 1,
1943 4
Declaration on Austria, Released November 1, 1943 .... 5
Declaration of Four Nations on General Security, Released
November 1, 1943 6
Declaration Regarding Italy, Released November 1, 1943 . . 6
Declaration of German Atrocities, Released November 1,
1943 7
Senate Resolution 192, Seventy-Eighth Congress (Known as the
ConnaUy Resolution), November 5, 1943 8
Agreement for United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Ad- ministration, November 9, 1943 9
The Cairo Conference (United States, China, United Kingdom),
Statement Released December 1, 1943 14
The Tehran Conference (United States, United Kingdom,
Soviet Union):
Declaration of the Three Powers, December 1, 1943 .... 15
Declaration Regarding Iran, December 1, 1943 15
United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference at Bretton
Woods, Summary of Agreements, July 22, 1944 17
Washington Conversations at Dumbarton Oaks on Inter- national Peace and Secxirity Organization: Proposals for the Establishment of a General International Organiza- tion, October 7, 1944 19
International Civil Aviation Conference at Chicago, December
7, 1944 25
Annual Message of the President to the Congress, January 6,
1945 26
Report of Crimea Conference, February 11, 1945 33
Act of Chapultepec: Declarations on Reciprocal Assistance and
American Solidarity, March 3, 1945 37
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Declaration of Principles, Known as the Atlantic Charter, by the President of the United States and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
August 14, 1941
JOINT DECLARATION of the President of the United States of America and the Prime Minister, Mr. Churchill, representing His Majesty’s Government in the United Kingdom, being met together, deem it right to make known certain common principles in the national policies of their respective countries on which they base their hopes for a better future for the world.
First, their countries seek no aggrandizement, territorial or other ;
Second, they desire to see no territorial changes that do not accord with the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned ;
Third, they respect the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live ; and they wish to see sovereign rights and self-government restored to those who have been forcibly deprived of them ;
Fourth, they will endeavor, with due respect for their existing obligations, to further the enjoyment by all States, great or small, victor or vanquished, of access, on equal terms, to the trade and to the raw materials of the world which are needed for their economic prosperity;
Fifth, they desire to bring about the fullest col- laboration between all nations in the economic field
with the object of securing, for all, improved labor standards, economic advancement and social secu- rity;
Sixth, after the final destruction of the Nazi tyranny, they hope to see established a peace which will afford to all nations the means of dwelling in safety within their own boundaries, and which will afford assurance that all the men in all thn lands may live out their lives in freedom from fear and want;
Seventh, such a peace should enable all men to traverse the high seas and oceans without hin- drance ;
Eighth, they believe that all of the nations of the world, for realistic as well as spiritual reasons must come to the abandonment of the use of force. Since no future peace can be maintained if landj sea or air armaments continue to be employed by nations which threaten, or may threaten, aggres- sion outside of their frontiers, they believe, pend- ing the establislmient of a wider and permanent system of general security, that the disarmament of such nations is essential. They will likewise aid and encourage all other practicable measures which will lighten for peace-loving peoples the crushing burden of armaments.
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Declaration by United Nations
January i, 1942
A JOINT DECLARATION BY THE UNITED STATES OF AJMERICA, THE UNITED KING- DOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND, THE UNION OF SOVIET SO- CIALIST REPUBLICS, CHINA, AUSTRALIA, BELGIUM, CANADA, COSTA RICA, CUBA, CZECHOSLOVAKIA, DOMINICAN REPUBLIC, EL SALVADOR, GREECE, GUATEMALA, HAITI, HONDURAS, INDIA, LUXEMBOURG, NETHERLANDS, NEW ZEALAND, NICA- RAGUA, NORWAY, PANAMA, POLAND, SOUTH AFRICA, YUGOSLAVIA.
The Governments signatory hereto,
Having subscribed to a common program of purposes and principles embodied in the Joint Dec- laration of the President of the United States of America and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland dated August 14, 1941, known as the Atlantic Charter.
Being convinced that complete victory over their enemies is e^ential to defend life, liberty, inde- pendence and religious freedom, and to preserve human rights and justice in their own lands as well as in other lands, and that they are now engaged in a common struggle against savage and brutal forces seeking to subjugate the world,
DECLARE:
(1) Each Government pledges itself to employ its full resources, military or economic, against those members of the Tripartite Pact and its ad- herents with which such government is at war.
(2) Each Government pledges itself to cooper- ate with the Governments signatory hereto and
not to make a separate armistice or peace with the enemies.
The foi-egoing declaration may be adhered to by other nations which are, or which may be, ren- dering material assistance and contributions in the struggle for victory over Hitlerism.
Done at Washington
J anuary First, 19Jf2
[The signatories to the Declaration by United Nations are as listed above.
The adherents to the Declaration by United Nations, together with the date of communication of adherence, are as follows :
Mexico . . Philippines . Ethiopia . . Iraq . . . Brazil . . . BoUvia . . Iran . . . Colombia . Liberia . . France. . .
June 5,1942 June 10, 1942 July 28, 1942 Jan. 16, 1943 Feb. 8, 1943 Apr. 27, 1943 Sept. 10, 1943 Dec. 22, 1943 Feb. 26, 1944 Dec. 26, 1944
Ecuador . . Peru. . . . Chile . . . Paraguay. . Venezuela . Uruguay. . Turkey . . Egypt. . . Saudi Ara- bia . . .
Feb. 7, 1945 Feb. 11, 1945 Feb. 12, 1945 Feb. 12, 1945 Feb. 16, 1945 Feb. 23, 1945 Feb. 24, 1945 Feb. 27, 1945
Mar. 1, 1945]
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Declaration of the United Nations Conference on Food and Agriculture
June 3, 1943
THIS CONFERENCE, meeting in the midst of the greatest war ever waged, and in full confidence of victory, has considered the world problems of food and agriculture and declares its belief that the goal of freedom from want of food, suitable and adequate for the health and strength of all peoples, can be achieved.
1. The first task is to complete the winning of the war and to deliver millions of people from tyramiy and from hunger. During the period of critical shortage in the aftermath of war, freedom from hunger can be achieved only by urgent and concerted efforts to economize consumption, to in- crease supplies and distribute them to the best advantage.
2. Thereafter we must equally concert our efforts to win and maintain freedom from fear and free- dom from want. The one cannot be achieved with- out the other.
3. There has never been enough food for the health of all people. This is justified neither by ignorance nor by the harshness of nature. Pro- duction of food must be greatly expanded ; we now have knowledge of the means by which this can be done. It requires imagination and firm will on the part of each government and people to make use of that knowledge.
4. The first cause of hunger and malnutrition is poverty. It is useless to produce more food unless men and nations pi’ovide the markets to absorb it.
There must be an expansion of the whole world economy to provide the purchasing power suffi- cient to maintain an adequate diet for all. With full employment in all countries, enlarged indus- trial production, the absence of exploitation, an increasing flow of trade within and between comi- tries, an orderly management of domestic and in- ternational investment and currencies, and sustained internal and international economic equilibrium, the food which is produced can be made available to all people.
5. The primary responsibility lies with each nation for seeing that its own people have the food needed for life and health ; steps to tliis end are for national determination. But each nation can fully achieve its goal only if all work together.
6. We conmiend to our respective governments and authorities the study and adoption of the find- ings and recommendations of this Conference and urge the early concerted discussion of the related problems falling outside the scope of this Con- ference.
7. The first steps toward freedom from want of food must not await the final solution of all other problems. Each advance made in one field will strengthen and quicken advance in all others. Work already begun must be continued. Once the war has been won decisive steps can be taken. We must make ready now.
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House Concurrent Resolution 25 Seventy-Eighth Congress
(KNOWN AS THE FULBRIGHT RESOLUTION)
September 21, 1943
Resolved by the House of Representatives {the S&aate concurring), That the Congress hereby expresses itself as favoring the creation of appro- priate international machinery with power ade- quate to establish and to maintain a just and last-
ing peace, among the nations of the world, and as favoring participation by the United States therein through its constitutional processes.
Passed the House of Representatives September 21, 1943.
The Moscow Conference
ANGLO-SOVIET-AMERICAN COMMUNIQUE
Released November 1, 1943
THE CONFERENCE of Foreign Secretaries of the United States of America, Mr. Cordell Hull, of the United Kingdom, Mr. Anthony Eden, and of the Soviet Union, Mr. V. M. Molotov, took place at Moscow from the 19th to the 30th of October 1943. There were twelve meetings.
[A list of participants in addition to the Foreign Secretaries follows here in the original.]
The agenda included all the questions submitted for discussion by the three Governments. Some of the questions called for final decisions and these were taken. On other questions, after discussion, decisions of principle were taken : these questions were referred for detailed consideration to com- missions specially set up for the purpose, or re- served for treatment through diplomatic channels. Other questions again were disposed of by an exchange of views.
The Governments of the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union have been in close cooperation in all matters concerning the common war effort. But this is the first time that the Foreign Secretaries of the three Gov- ernments have been able to meet together in conference.
In the first place there were frank and exhaustive discussions of measures to be taken to shorten the war against Germany and her satellites in Europe. Advantage was taken of the presence of military advisers, representing the respective Chiefs of Staff, in order to discuss definite military oper- ations, with regard to which decisions had been taken and which are already being prepared, and in order to create a basis for the closest military cooperation in the future between the three comi- tries.
Second only to the importance of hastening the end of the war was the unanimous recognition by the three Governments that it was essential in their own national interests and in the interest of all peace-loving nations to continue the present close collaboration and cooperation in the conduct of the war into the period following the end of hostilities, and that only in this way could peace be main- tained and the political, economic and social wel- fare of their peoples fully promoted.
Tills conviction is expressed in a declaration in which the Cliinese Government joined during the Conference and which w'as signed by the three Foreign Secretaries and the Cliinese Ambassador
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at Moscow on behalf of their governments. This declaration, published today, provides for even closer collaboration in the prosecution of the war and in all matters pertaining to the surrender and disarmament of the enemies with which the four countries are respectively at war. It sets forth the principles upon which the four governments agree that a broad system of international coopera- tion and security should be based. Provision is made for the inclusion of all other peace-loving nations, great and small, in this system.
The Conference agreed to set up machinery for ensuring the closest cooperation between the three Governments in the examination of European questions arising as the war develops. For this purpose the Conference decided to establish in London a European Advisory Commission to study these questions and to make joint recommendations to the three Governments.
Provision was made for continuing, when nec- essary, tripartite consultations of representatives of the three Governments in the respective capitals through the existing diplomatic channels.
The Conference also agreed to establish an Ad- visory Council for matters relating to Italy, to be composed in the first instance of representatives of their three governments and of the French Com- mittee of National Liberation. Provision is made for the addition to this council of representatives of Greece and Yugoslavia in view of their special interests arising out of the aggressions of Fascist Italy upon their territory during the present war. This Council will deal with day-to-day questions, other than military operations, and will make rec-
ommendations designed to coordinate AUied policy with regard to Italy.
The three Foreign Secretaries considered it ap- propriate to reaffirm, by a declaration published today, the attitude of their Governments in favor of restoration of democracy in Italy.
The three Foreign Secretaries declared it to be the purpose of their Governments to restore the independence of Austria. At the same time they reminded Austria that in the final settlement ac- count will be taken of efforts that Austria may make towards its own liberation. The declaration on Austria is published today.
The Foreign Secretaries issued at the Confer- ence a declaration by President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill and Premier Stalin containing a solemn warning that at the time of granting any armistice to any German Government those Ger- man officers and men and members of the Nazi party who have had any connection with atrocities and executions in countries overrun by German forces will be taken back to the coimtries in wliich their abominable crimes were committed to be charged and punished according to the laws of those countries.
In the atmosphere of mutual confidence and understanding which characterized all the work of the Conference, consideration was also given to other important questions. These included not only questions of a current nature, but also ques- tions concerning the treatment of Hitlerite Ger- many and its satellites, economic cooperation and the assurance of general peace.
DECLARATION ON AUSTRIA
Released November I, 1943
THE GOVERNMENTS of the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and the United States of Amer- ica are agreed that Austria, the first free country to fall a victim to Hitlerite aggression, shall be liberated from German domination.
They regard the annexation imposed upon Aus- tria by Germany on March 15th, 1938, as null and void. They consider themselves as in no way bound by any changes effected in Austria since that date. They declare that they wish to see reestablished a free and independent Austria, and
thereby to open the way for the Austrian people themselves, as well as those neighboring states which will be faced with similar problems, to find that political and economic security which is the only basis for lasting peace.
Austria is reminded, however, that she has a responsibility which she cannot evade for partici- pation in the war on the side of Hitlerite Germany, and that in the final settlement account will inevi- tably be taken of her own contribution to her liberation.
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DECLARATION OF FOUR NATIONS ON GENERAL SECURITY
Released November 1, 1943
THE GOVERNMENTS of the United States of America, the United Kangdom, the Soviet Union and China :
united in their determination, in accordance with the Declaration by the United Nations of January 1, 1942, and subsequent declarations, to continue hostilities against those Axis powers with which they respectively are at war until such pow- ers have laid down their arms on the basis of un- conditional surrender ;
conscious of their responsibility to secure the liberation of themselves and the peoples allied with them from the menace of aggression ;
recognizing the necessity of ensuring a rapid and orderly transition from war to peace and of estab- lishing and maintaining international peace and security with the least diversion of the world’s hu- man and economic resources for armaments ;
jointly declare :
1. That their united action, pledged for the prosecution of the war against their respective ene- mies, will be continued for the organization and maintenance of peace and security.
2. That those of them at war with a common enemy will act together in all matters relating to the surrender and disarmament of that enemy.
3. That they wiU take all measures deemed by them to be necessary to provide against any viola- tion of the terms imposed upon the enemy.
4. That they recognise the necessity of establish- ing at the earliest practicable date a general inter-
national organization, based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all peace-loving states, and open to membership by all such states, large and small, for the maintenance of international peace and security.
5. That for the purpose of maintaining inter- national peace and security pending the re-estab- lisliment of law and order and the inauguration of a system of general security, they will consult with one another and as occasion requires with other members of the United Nations with a view to joint action on behalf of the community of nations.
6. That after the termination of hostilities they will not employ their military forces within the territories of other states except for the purposes envisaged in this declaration and after joint con- sultation.
7. That they will confer and co-operate with one another and with other members of the United Nations to bring about a practicable general agree- ment with respect to the regulation of armaments in the post-war period.
V. Molotov ANTHON~r Eden Cordell Hull Foo PiNG-SHEUNG
Moscow,
30th October^ WlfS.
DECLARATION REGARDING ITALY
Released November 1, 1943
THE FOREIGN SECRETARIES of the United States of America, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union have established that their three Governments are in complete agreement that Al- lied policy towards Italy must be based upon the fundamental principle that Fascism and all its
evil influences and emanations shall be utterly de- stroyed and that the Italian people shall be given every opportunity to establish governmental and other institutions based upon democratic principles.
The Foreign Secretaries of the United States of
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America and the United Kiingdom declare that the action of their Governments from the incep- tion of the invasion of Italian territory, in so far as paramount military requirements have permitted, has been based upon this policy.
In the furtherance of this policy in the future the Foreign Secretaries of the three Governments are agreed that the following measures are im- portant and should be put into effect :
1. It is essential that the Italian Government should be made more democratic by the introduc- tion of representatives of those sections of the Italian people who have always opposed F ascism.
2. Freedom of speech, of religious worship, of political belief, of the press and of public meeting shall be restored in full measure to the Italian people, who shall also be entitled to form anti- Fascist political groups.
3. All institutions and organisations created by the Fascist regime shall be suppressed.
4. All Fascist or pro-Fascist elements shall be removed from the administration and from the
institutions and organizations of a public character.
5. All political prisoners of the Fascist regime shall be released and accorded a full amnesty.
6. Democratic organs of local government shall be created.
7. Fascist chiefs and other persons known or suspected to be war criminals shall be arrested and handed over to justice.
In making this declaration the three Foreign Secretaries recognize that so long as active military operations continue in Italy the time at which it is possible to give full effect to the principles set out above will be determined by the Commander-in- Chief on the basis of instructions received through the Combined Chiefs of Staff. The three Govern- ments parties to this declaration will at the request of any one of them consult on this matter.
It is further imderstood that nothing in this resolution is to operate against the right of the Italian people ultimately to choose their own form of government.
DECLARATIOIN OF GERMAN ATROCITIES
Released November 1, 1943
THE UNITED KINGDOM, the United States and the Soviet Union have received from many quarters evidence of atrocities, massacres and cold- blooded mass executions which are being perpe- trated by the Hitlerite forces in the many coun- tries they have overrun and from which they are now being steadily expelled. The brutalities of Hitlerite domination are no new thing and all the peoples or territories in their grip have suffered from the worst form of government by terror. What is new is that many of these territories are now being redeemed by the advancing armies of the liberating Powers and that in their despera- tion, the recoiling Hitlerite Huns are redoubling their ruthless cruelties. This is now evidenced with particular clearness by monstrous crimes of the Hitlerites on the territory of the Soviet Union which is being liberated from the Hitlerites, and on French and Italian territory.
Accordingly, the aforesaid three allied Powers, speaking in the interests of the thirty-two [thirty- three] United Nations, hereby solemnly declare and give full warning of their declaration as follows :
At the time of the granting of any armistice to any government which may be set up in Ger- many, those German officers and men and members of the Nazi party who have been responsible for, or have taken a consenting part in the above atroc- ities, massacres and executions, will be sent back to the comitries in which their abominable deeds were done in order that they may be judged and punished according to the laws of these liberated countries and of the free governments which will be created therein. Lists will be compiled in all possible detail from all these countries having re- gard especially to the invaded parts of the Soviet Union, to Poland and Czechoslovakia, to Yugo-
635478° — i5-
-2
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slavia and Greece, including Crete and other is- lands, to Norway, Denmark, the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxemburg, France and Italy.
Thus, the Germans who take part in wholesale shootings of Italian officers or in the execution of French, Dutch, Belgian or Norwegian hostages or of Cretan peasants, or who have shared in the slaughters inflicted on the people of Poland or in territories of the Soviet Union which are now being swept clear of the enemy, will know that they will be brought back to the scene of their crimes and judged on the spot by the peoples whom they have outraged. Let those who have hitherto not imbrued their hands with innocent blood be-
ware lest they join the ranks of the guilty, for most assuredly the three allied Powers will pursue them to the uttermost ends of the earth and will deliver them to their accusers in order that justice may be done.
The above declaration is without prejudice to the case of the major criminals, whose offences have no particular geographical localisation and who will be punished by the joint decision of the Governments of the Allies.
Roosevelt
Chukchill
Stalin
Senate Resolution 192 — Seventy-Eighth Congress
(KNOWN AS THE CONNALLY RESOLUTION)
November 5, 1943
Resolved^ That the war against all our enemies be waged until complete victory is achieved.
That the United States cooperate with its com- rades-in-arms in securing a just and honorable peace.
That the United States, acting through its con- stitutional processes, join with free and sovereign nations in the establishment and maintenance of international authority with power to prevent ag- gression and to preserve the peace of the world.
That the Senate recognizes the necessity of there being established at the earliest practicable date a general international organization, based on the
principle of the sovereign equality of all peace- loving states, and open to membership by all such states, large and small, for the maintenance of international peace and security.
That, pursuant to t he Constitution of the United States, any treaty made to effect the purposes of this resolution, on behalf of the Government of the United States with any other nation or any association of nations, shall be made only by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur.
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Agreement for United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration
November 9, 1943
THE GOVERNMENTS or Authorities whose duly authorized representatives have subscribed hereto,
Being United Nations or being associated with the United Nations in this war,
Being determined that immediately upon the liberation of any area by the armed forces of the United Nations or as a consequence of retreat of the enemy the population thereof shall receive aid and relief from their sufferings, food, clothing and shelter, aid in the prevention of pestilence and in the recovery of the health of the people, and that preparation and arrangements shall be made for the return of prisoners and exiles to their homes and for assistance in the resmnption. of urgently needed agricultural and industrial production and the restoration of essential services,
Have agreed as follows :
Article I
There is hereby established the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration.
1. The Administration shall have power to ac- quire, hold and convey property, to enter into con- tracts and undertake obligations, to designate or create agencies and to review the activities of agencies so created, to manage undertakings and in general to perform any legal act appropriate to its objects and purposes.
2. Subject to the provisions of Article VII, the purposes and functions of the Administration shall be as follows :
(a) To plan, coordinate, administer or arrange for the administration of measures for the relief of victims of war in any area under the control of any of the United Nations through the provision of food, fuel, clothing, shelter and other basic neces- sities, medical and other essential services ; and to facilitate in such areas, so far as necessary to the adequate provision of relief, the production and
transportation of these articles and the furnishing of these services. The form of activities of the Administration within the territory of a member government wherein that government exercises administrative authority and the responsibility to be assumed by the member government for carry- ing out measures planned by the Administration therein shall be determined after consultation with and with the consent of the member government.
(b) To formulate and recommend measures for individual or joint action by any or all of the mem- ber governments for the coordination of purchas- ing, the use of ships and other procurement activi- ties in the period following the cessation of hostili- ties, with a view to integrating the plans and activities of the Administration with the total movement of supplies, and for the purpose of achieving an equitable distribution of available supplies. The Administration may administer such coordination measures as may be authorized by the member governments concerned.
(c) To study, formulate and recommend for in- dividual or joint action by any or all of the mem- ber governments measures with respect to such related matters, arising out of its experience in planning and performing the work of relief and rehabilitation, as may be proposed by any of the member governments. Such proposals shall be studied and recommendations formulated if the proposals are supported by a vote of the Council, and the recommendations shall be referred to any or all of the member governments for individual or joint action if approved by unanimous vote of the Central Committee and by vote of the Council.
Article II. Membership
The members of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration shall be the govern- ments or authorities signatory hereto and such other governments or autliorities as may upon ap-
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plication for membership be admitted thereto by action of the Coimcil. The Council may, if it de- sires, authorize the Central Committee to accept new members between sessions of the Council.
Wherever the term “member government” is used in tliis Agreement it shall be construed to mean a member of the Administration whether a government or an authority.
Article III. The Council
1. Each member government shall name one rep- resentative, and such alternates as may be neces- sary, upon the Council of the United Nations Re- lief and Rehabilitation Administration, which shall be tlie policy-making body of the Adminis- tration. The Council shall, for each of its sessions, select one of its members to preside at the session. The Coimcil shall determine its own rules of pro- cedure. Unless otherwise provided by the Agree- ment or by action of the Council, the Council shall vote by simple majority.
2. The Council shall be convened in regular ses- sion not less than twice a year by the Central Com- mittee. It may be convened in special session whenever the Central Committee shall deem neces- sary, and shall be convened within tliirty days after request therefor by one-third of the members of the Council.
3. The Central Committee of the Council shall consist of the representatives of China, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America, with the Direc- tor General presiding, without vote. Between ses- sions of the Council it shall when necessary make policy decisions of an emergency nature. AJl such decisions shall be recorded in the minutes of the Central Committee wliich shall be communicated promptly to each member government. Such deci- sions shall be open to reconsideration by the Coun- cil at any regular session or at any special session called in accordance with Article III, paragraph 2. The Central Committee shall invite the participa- tion of the representative of any member govern- ment at those of its meetings at which action of special interest to such government is discussed. It shall invite the participation of the representative serving as Chairman of the Committee on Supplies of the Council at those of its meetings at which policies affecting the provision of supplies are dis- cussed.
4. Tlie Committee on Supplies of the Council shall consist of the members of the Council, or their alternates, representing those member govern- ments likely to be principal suppliers of materials for relief and rehabilitation. The members shall be appointed by the Council, and the Council may authorize the Central Committee to make emer- gency appointments between sessions of the Coun- cil, such appointments to continue until the next session of the Council. The Committee on Sup- plies shall consider, formulate and reconamend to the Council and the Central Committee policies designed to assure the provision of required sup- plies. The Central Committee shall from time to time meet with the Committee on Supplies to re- view policy matters affecting supplies.
5. The Committee of the Coimcil for Europe shall consist of all the members of the Council, or their alternates, representing member govern- ments of territories within the European area and such other members of the Council representing other governments directly concerned with the problems of relief and rehabilitation in the Euro- pean area as shall be appointed by the Council ; the Council may authorize the Central Committee to make these appointments in cases of emergency between sessions of the Council, such appointments to continue until the next session of the Council. The Committee of the Council for the Far East shall consist of all the members of the Council, or their alternates, representing member governments of territories within the Far Eastern area and such other members of the Council representing other governments directly concerned with the problems of relief and rehabilitation in the Far Eastern area as shall be appointed by the Council ; the Council may authorize the Central Committee to make these appointments in cases of emergency between sessions of the Council, such appointments to con- tinue until the next session of the Council. The regional conunittees shall normally meet within their respective areas. They shall consider and recommend to the Council and the Central Com- mittee policies with respect to relief and rehabili- tation within their respective areas. The Com- mittee of the Council for Europe shall replace the Inter-Allied Committee on European post-war relief established in London on September 24, 1941 and the records of the latter shall be made available to the Committee for Europe.
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6. The Council shall establish such other stand- ing regional committees as it shall consider desir- able, the fimctions of such committees and the method of appointing their members being identi- cal to that provided in Article III, paragraph 5 with respect to the Committees of the Council for Europe and for the Far East. The Council shall also establish such other standing committees as it considers desirable to advise it, and, in intervals between sessions of the Council, to advise the Cen- tral Committee. For such standing technical com- mittees as may be established, in respect of par- ticular problems such as nutrition, health, agricul- ture, transport, repatriation, and finance, the mem- bers may be members of the Council or alternates nominated by them because of special competence in their respective fields of work. The members shall be appointed by the Council, and the Council may authorize the Central Committee to make emergency appointments between sessions of the Council, such appointments to continue until the next session of the Council. Should a regional committee so desire, subcommittees of the standing technical committees shall be established by the technical committees in consultation with the re- gional committees, to advise the regional com- mittees.
7. The travel and other expenses of members of the Council and of members of its committees shall be borne by the governments which they represent.
8. All reports and recommendations of commit- tees of the Coimcil shall be transmitted to the Director General for distribution to the Council and the Central Committee by the secretariat of the Coimcil established under the provisions of Article TV, paragraph 4.
Article IV. The Director General
1. The executive authority of the United Na- tions Relief and Rehabilitation Administration shall be in the Director General, who shall be ap- pointed by the Council on the nomination by unan- imous vote of the Central Committee. The Di- rector General may be removed by the Council on recommendation by unanimous vote of the Cen- tral Committee.
2. The Director General shall have full power and authority for carrying out relief operations
contemplated by Article I, paragraph 2 (a) , within the limits of available resources and the broad policies determined by the Council or its Central Committee. Immediately upon taking office he shall in conjunction with the military and other appropriate authorities of the United Nations pre- pare plans for the emergency relief of the civilian population in any area occupied by the armed forces of any of the United Nations, arrange for the procurement and assembly of the necessary supplies and create or select the emergency organ!-; zation required for this purpose. In arranging for tlie procurement, transportation, and distribution of supplies and services, he and his representatives shall consult and collaborate with the appropriate authorities of the United Nations and shall, wher- ever practicable, use the facilities made available by such authorities. Foreign voluntary relief agencies may not engage in activity in any area receiving relief from the Administration without the consent and unless subject to the regulation of the Director General. The powers and duties of the Director General are subject to the limitations of Article VII.
3. The Director General shall also be responsible for the organization and direction of the functions contemplated by Article I, paragraphs 2 (b) and 2 (c).
4. The Director General shall appoint such Deputy Directors General, officers, expert per- sonnel, and staff at his headquarters and elsewhere, including field missions, as he shall find necessary, and he may delegate to them such of his powers as he may deem appropriate. The Director Gen- eral, or upon his authorization the Deputy Di- rectors General, shall supply such secretariat and other staff and facilities as shall be required by the Council and its committees, including the re- gional committees and subcommittees. Such Deputy Directors General as shall be assigned special functions within a region shall attend meetings of the regional standing committee when- ever possible and shall keep it advised on the progress of the relief and rehabilitation program within the region.
5. The Director General shall make periodic reports to the Central Committee and to the Coun- cil covering the progress of the Administration’s activities. The reports shall be made public ex-
11
cept for such portions as the Central Committee may consider it necessary, in the interest of the United Nations, to keep confidential; if a report affects the interests of a member government in such a way as to render it questionable whether it should be published, such government shall have an opportunity of expressing its views on the ques- tion of publication. The Director General shall also arrange to have prepared periodic reports covering the activities of the Administration within each region and he shall transmit such re- ports with his comments thereon to the Council, the Central Committee and the respective regional committees.
Article V. Supplies and Kesources
1. In so far as its appropriate constitutional bodies shall authorize, each member government will contribute to the support of the Administra- tion in order to accomplish the purposes of Arti- cle I, paragraph 2 (a). The amount and char- acter of the contributions of each member govern- ment under this provision will be determined from time to time by its appropriate constitutional bodies. All such contributions received by the Administration shall be accounted for.
2. The supplies and resources made available by the member governments shall be kept in review in relation to prospective requirements by the Director General, who shall initiate action with the member governments with a view to assuring such additional supplies and resources as may be required.
3. All purchases by any of the member govern- ments, to be made outside their own territories during the war for relief or rehabilitation pur- poses, shall be made only after consultation with the Director General, and shall, so far as prac- ticable, be carried out through the appropi’iate United Nations agency.
Article VI. Administrative Expenses
The Director General shall submit to the Coun- cil an annual budget, and from time to time such supplementary budgets as may be required, cover- ing the necessary administrative expenses of the Administration. Upon approval of a budget by the Council the total amount approved shall be allocated to the member governments in propor-
tions to be determined by the Council. Each mem- ber government undertakes, subject to the require- ments of its constitutional procedure, to contrib- ute to the Administration promptly its share of the administrative expenses so determined.
Article VII
Notwithstanding any other provision herein con- tained, while hostilities or other military necessi- ties exist in any area, the Administration and its Director General shall not undertake activities therein without the consent of the military com- mand of that area, and unless subject to such control as the command may find necessary. The determination that such hostilities or military necessities exist in any area shall be made by its military commander.
Article VIII. Amendment
The provisions of this Agreement may be amended as follows :
a. Amendments involving new obligations for member governments shall require the approval of the Council by a two-thirds vote and shall take effect for each member government on acceptance by it;
h. Amendments involving modification of Arti- cle III or Article IV shall take effect on adoption by the Council by a two-thirds vote, including the votes of all the members of the Central Committee ;
c. Other amendments shall take effect on adop- tion by the Council by a two-thirds vote.
Article IX. Entry into Force
Tliis Agreement shall enter into force with re- spect to each signatory on the date when the Agree- ment is signed by that signatory, vmless otherwise specified by such signatory.
Article X. Withdrawal
Any member government may give notice of withdrawal from the Administration at any time after the expiration of six months from the entry into force of the Agreement for that government. Such notice shall take effect twelve months after the date of its communication to the Director Gen- eral subject to the member government having met
12
by that time all financial, supply or other material obligations accepted or undertaken by it.
In witness whereof, this Agreement is signed by the following representatives, duly authorized for that purpose by their respective Governments or Authorities.
Done in Washington this ninth day of Novem- ber, one thousand nine hundred forty-three, in the English language, the original to be deposited in the archives of the Department of State of the United States of America, and certified copies thereof to be furnished by the Government of the United States of America to each of the Govern- ments and Authorities on whose behalf this Agree- ment is signed.
[The agreement was signed by representatives of Australia, Belgium, Bolivia, the United States of Brazil, Canada, Chile, China, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Dominican Republic,
Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Ethiopia, French Committee of National Liberation, Greece, Guate- mala, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, India, Iran, Iraq, Liberia, Luxembourg, United Mexican States, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippine Common- wealth, Poland, Union of South Africa, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America, Uruguay, Venezuela, and Yugoslavia.
The agreement was signed on behalf of 14 gov- ernments with a reservation or statement to the effect, in each case, that the agreement was signed subject to ratification or legislative approval. The 14 governments on behalf of which the agree- ment was signed with such a reservation or state- ment are as follows : Chile, Colombia, Cuba, Ecua- dor, Ethiopia, Guatemala, India, Iran, Iraq, United Mexican States, Nicaragua, Peru, Uru- guay, and Venezuela.]
13
The Cairo Conference
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT
china: generalissimo chiang kai-shek UNITED kingdom: PRIME MINISTER CHURCHILL
Statement Released December 1, 1943
THE SEVERAL MILITARY missions have agreed upon future military operations against Japan. The Three Great Allies expressed their resolve to bring unrelenting pressure against their brutal enemies by sea, land, and air. This pres- sure is already rising.
The Three Great Allies are fighting this war to restrain and punish the aggression of Japan. They covet no gain for themselves and have no thought of territorial expansion. It is their pur- pose that Japan shall be stripped of all the islands in the Pacific which she has seized or occupied since the beginning of the first World War in 1914, and
that all the territories Japan has stolen from the Chinese, such as Manchuria, Formosa, and the Pescadores, shall be restored to the Republic of China. Japan will also be expelled from all other territories which she has taken by violence and greed. The aforesaid three great powers, mindful of the enslavement of the people of Korea, are de- termined that in due course Korea shall become free and independent.
With these objects in view the three Allies, in harmony with those of the United Nations at war with Japan, will continue to persevere in the serious and prolonged operations necessary to pro- cure the imconditional surrender of Japan.
14
The Tehran Conference
DECLARATION OF THE THREE POWERS
December 1, 1943
WE— THE PRESIDENT of the United States, the Prime Minister of Great Britain, and the Premier of the Soviet Union, have met these four days past, in this, the Capital of our Ally, Iran, and have shaped and confirmed our common policy.
We express our determination that our nations shall work together in war and in the peace that will follow.
As to war — our military staffs have joined in our round table discussions, and we have concerted our plans for the destruction of the German forces. We have reached complete agreement as to the scope and timing of the operations to be mider- taken from the east, west and south.
The common understanding which we have here reached guarantees that victory will be oui's.
And as to peace — ^we are sure that our concord will win an enduring Peace. We recognize fully the supreme responsibilit}^ resting upon us and all the United Nations to make a peace which will command the goodwill of the overwhelming mass of the peoples of the world and banish the scourge and terror of war for many generations.
With our Diplomatic advisors we have surveyed the problems of the future. We shall seek the cooperation and active participation of all nations, large and small, whose peoples in heart and mind are dedictated, as are our ovui peoples, to the elimination of tyranny and slavery, oppression and intolerance. We will welcome them, as they may choose to come, into a world family of Demo- cratic Nations.
No power on earth can prevent our destroying the German armies by land, their U Boats by sea, and their war plants from the air.
Our attack will be relentless and increasing.
Emerging from these cordial conferences we look with confidence to the day when all peoples of the world may live free lives, untouched by tyramiy, and according to their varying desires and their own consciences.
W e came here with hope and determination. W e leave here, friends in fact, in spirit and in purpose.
Roose'V’elt, Churchill and Stalin
Signed at Tehran, December 1, 191(3
DECLARATION OF THE THREE POWERS REGARDING IRAN
December 1, 1943
THE PRESIDENT of the United States, the Premier of the U.S.S.R., and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, having consulted with each other and with the Prime Minister of Iran, desire to declare the mutual agreement of their three Governments regarding their relations with Iran.
The Governments of the United States, the U.S.S.R., and the United Kingdom recognize the
assistance which Iran has given in the prosecution of the war against the common enemy, particularly by facilitating the transportation of supplies from overseas to the SoGet Union.
The Three Governments realize that the war has caused special economic difficulties for Iran, and they are agreed that they will continue to make available to the Government of Iran such economic assistance as may be possible, having i-egard to the
635478° — 45-
3
15
heavy demands made upon them by their world- wide military operations and to the world- wide shortage of transport, raw materials, and supplies for civilian consumption.
With respect to the post-war period, the Govern- ments of the United States, the U.S.S.R., and the United Kingdom are in accord with the Govern- ment of Iran that any economic problems con- fronting Iran at the close of hostilities should re- ceive full consideration, along with those of other members of the United Nations, by conferences or international agencies held or created to deal with international economic matters.
The Governments of the United States, the U.S.S.R., and the United Kingdom are at one with the Government of Iran in their desire for the maintenance of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iran. They count upon the participation of Iran, together with all other peace-loving nations, in the establislunent of inter- national peace, security and prosperity after the war, in accordance with the principles of the Atlantic Charter, to which all four Governments have subscribed.
Winston S. Churchill
J. Stalin
Franklin D Roosevelt
16
United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference at Bretton Woods
SUMMARY OF AGREEMENTS July 22, 1944
THIS CONFERENCE at Bretton Woods, rep- resenting nearly all the peoples of the world, has considered matters of international money and finance which are important for peace and pros- perity. The Conference has agreed on the prob- lems needing attention, the measures which should be taken, and the forms of international coopera- tion or organization which are required. The agreements reached on these large and complex matters are without precedent in the history of international economic relations.
I. The International Monetary Fund
Since foreign trade affects the standard of life of every people, all countries have a vital interest in the system of exchange of national currencies and the regulations and conditions which govern its working. Because these monetary transactions are international exchanges, the nations must agree on the basic rules which govern the exchanges if the system is to work smoothly. When they do not agree, and when single nations and small groups of nations attempt by special and different regu- lations of the foreign exchanges to gain trade ad- vantages, the result is instability, a reduced volume of foreign trade, and damage to national econo- mies. This course of action is likely to lead to economic warfare and to endanger the world’s peace.
The Conference has therefore agreed that broad international action is necessary to maintain an international monetary system which will promote foreign trade. The nations should consult and agree on international monetary changes which affect each other. They should outlaw practices which are agreed to be harmful to world pros- perity, and they should assist each other to over- come short-term exchange difficulties.
The Conference has agreed that the nations here represented should establish for these purposes a permanent international body. The Intemaiional Monetary Fund,, with powers and resources ade- quate to perform the tasks assigned to it. Agree- ment has been reached concerning these powers and resources and the additional obligations which the member countries should undertake. Draft Arti- cles of Agreement on these points have been prepared.
II. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development
It is in the interest of all nations that post-war reconstruction should be rapid. Likewise, the de- velopment of the resources of particular regions is in the general economic interest. Programs of reconstruction and development will speed eco- nomic progress everywhere, will aid political sta- bility and foster peace.
The Conference has agreed that expanded inter- national investment is essential to provide a por- tion of the capital necessaiy for reconstruction and development.
The Conference has further agreed that the na- tions should cooperate to increase the volume of foreign investment for these purposes, made through normal business channels. It is especially important that the nations should cooperate to share the risks of such foreign investment, since the benefits are general.
The Conference has agreed that the nations should establish a permanent international body to perform these functions, to be called The Inter- national Bank for Reconstruction and Develop- ment. It has been agreed that the Bank should assist in providing capital through normal chan- nels at reasonable rates of interest and for long
17
periods for projects which will raise the produc- tivity of the borrowing country. There is agree- ment that the Bank should guarantee loans made by others and that through their subscriptions of capital all countries should share with the borrow- ing countrj'^ in guaranteeing such loans. The Conference has agreed on the powers and resources which the Bank must have and on the obligations which the member countries must assume, and has prepared draft Articles of Agreement accordingly.
The Conference has recommended that in carry- ing out the policies of the institutions here pro- posed special consideration should be given to the needs of countries which have sutfered from enemy occupation and hostilities.
The proposals formulated at the Conference for the establislmient of the Fund and the Bank are now submitted, in accordance with the terms of the invitation, for consideration of the govern- ments and people of the countries represented.
18
Washington Conversations at Dumbarton Oaks on International Peace and Security Organization
PROPOSALS FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A GENERAL INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION ‘
October 7, 1944
THERE SHOULD BE established an interna- tional organization under the title of The United Nations, the Charter of which should contain pro- visions necessary to give effect to the proposals which follow.
Chapter I. Purposes
The purposes of the Organization should be :
1. To maintain international peace and security ; and to that end to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace and the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace, and to bring about by peaceful means adjustment or settlement of inter- national disputes which may lead to a breach of the peace ;
2. To develop friendly relations among nations and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace ;
3. To achieve international cooperation in the solution of international economic, social and other humanitarian problems; and
4. To afford a center for harmonizing the actions of nations in the achievement of these coimnon ends.
Chapter II. pRiNcmLES
In pursuit of the purposes mentioned in Chap- ter I the Organization and its members should act in accordance with the following principles:
1. The Organization is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all peace-loving states.
' Including text of provision relative to voting pro- cedure in the Security Council (chap. VI, sec. C) as agreed upon at the Crimea Conference and announced by the Secretary of State on Mar. 5, 1945.
2. All members of the Organization undertake, in order to ensure to all of them the rights and benefits resulting from membership in the Or- ganization, to fulfill the obligations assumed by them in accordance with the Charter.
3. All members of the Organization shall settle their disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security are not endangered.
4. All membei-s of the Organization shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent with the purposes of the Organization.
6. All members of the Organization shall give every assistance to the Organization in any action undertaken by it in accordance with the provisions of the Charter.
6. All members of the Organization shall re- frain from giving assistance to any state against which preventive or enforcement action is being undertaken by the Organization.
The Organization should ensure that states not members of the Organization act in accordance with these principles so far as may be necessary for the maintenance of international peace and security.
Chapter III. Membership
1. Membership of the Organization should be open to all peace-loving states.
Chapter IV. Principal Organs
1. The Organization should have as its principal organs :
a. A General Assembly ;
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b. A Security Council;
c. An international court of justice ; and
d. A Secretariat.
2. The Organization should have such subsidiary agencies as may be found necessary.
Chapter V. The Gexeral Assembly
Section A. Composition. All members of the Organization should be members of the General Assembly and should have a number of represent- atives to be specified in the Charter.
Section B. Functions and Powers. 1. The Gen- eral Assembly should have the right to consider the general principles of cooperation in the mainte- nance of international peace and security, includ- ing the principles governing disarmament and the regulation of armaments ; to discuss any questions relating to the maintenance of international peace and security brought before it by any member or members of the Organization or by the Security Council; and to make recommendations with re- gard to any such principles or questions. Any such questions on which action is necessary should be referred to the Security Council by the General Assembly either before or after discussion. The General Assembly should not on its own initiative make recommendations on any matter relating to the maintenance of international peace and security which is being dealt with by the Security Council.
2. The General Assembly should be empowered to admit new members to the Organization upon recommendation of the Security Council.
3. The General Assembl}' should, upon recom- mendation of the Security Council, be empowered to suspend from the exercise of any rights or privi- leges of membership any member of the Organiza- tion against which preventive or enforcement action shall have been taken by the Security Coun- cil. The exercise of the rights and privileges thus suspended may be restored by decision of the Secu- rity Council. The General Assembly should be empowered, upon recommendation of the Security Council, to expel from the Organization any mem- ber of the Organization which persistently violates the principles contained in the Charter,
4. The General Assembly should elect the non- permanent members of the Security Council and the members of the Economic and Social Council provided for in Chapter IX. It should be empow- ered to elect, upon recommendation of the Security
Council, the Secretary-General of the Organiza- tion. It should perform such fvmctions in rela- tion to the election of the judges of the interna- tional court of justice as may be conferred upon it by the statute of the court.
5. The General Assembly should apportion the expenses among the members of the Organization and should be empowered to approve the budgets of the Organization.
6. The General Assembly should initiate studies and make recommendations for the purpose of pro- moting international cooperation in political, eco- nomic and social fields and of adjiisting situations likely to impair the general welfare.
7. The General Assembly should make recom- mendations for the coordination of the policies of international economic, social, and other special- ized agencies brought into relation with the Organ- ization in accordance with agreements between such agencies and the Organization.
8. The General Assembly should receive and consider annual and special reports from the Se- curity Council and reports from other bodies of the Organization.
Section G. Voting. 1. Each member of the Or- ganization should have one vote in the General Assembly.
2. Important decisions of the General Assem- bly, including recommendations with respect to the maintenance of international peace and secu- rity ; election of members of the Security Council ; election of members of the Economic and Social Council ; admission of members, suspension of the exercise of the rights and privileges of members, and expulsion of members; and budgetarj' ques- tions, should be made by a two-thirds majority of those present and voting. On other questions, in- cluding the determination of additional categories of questions to be decided by a two-thirds major- ity, the decisions of the General Assembly should be made by a simple majority vote.
Section D. Procedure. 1. The General Assem- bly should meet in regular annual sessions and in such special sessions as occasion may require.
2. The General Assembly should adopt its own rules of procedure and elect its President for each session.
3. The General Assembly should be empowered to set up such bodies and agencies as it may deem necessary for the performance of its functions.
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Chapter VI. The Security Council
Section A. Composition. The Security Council should consist of one representative of each of eleven members of the Organization. Representa- tives of the United States of America, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the Re- public of China, and, in due course, France, should have permanent seats. The General Assembly should elect six states to fill the non-permanent seats. These six states should be elected for a term of two years, three retiring each year. They should not be immediately eligible for reelection. In the first election of the non-permanent members three should be chosen by the General Assembly for one- year terms and three for two-year terms.
Section B. Principal Functions and Powers.
1. In order to ensure prompt and effective action by the Organization, members of the Organization should by the Charter confer on the Security Coun- cil primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security and should agree that in carrying out these duties under this respon- sibility it should act on their behalf.
2. In discharging these duties the Security Council should act in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Organization.
3. The specific powers conferred on the Security Council in order to carry out these duties are laid down in Chapter ^GII.
4. All members of the Organization should obli- gate themselves to accept the decisions of the Secu- rity Council and to carry them out in accordance with the provisions of the Charter.
5. In order to promote the establishment and maintenance of international peace and security with the least diversion of the world’s human and economic resources for armaments, the Security Council, with the assistance of the Military Staff Committee referred to in Chapter VIII, Section B, paragraph 9, should have the responsibility for formulating plans for the establishment of a sys- tem of regulation of armaments for submission to the members of the Organization.
\Section G. Voting.^ 1, Each member of the Security Council should have one vote.
2. Decisions of the Security Council on proce-
* See footnote 1, p. 19.
dural matters should be made by an affirmative vote of seven members.
3. Decisions of the Security Council on all other matters should be made by an affirmative vote of seven members including the concurring votes of the permanent members; provided that, in deci- sions under Chapter VIII, Section A, and under the second sentence of Paragi’aph 1 of Chapter VIII, Section C, a party to a dispute should abstain from voting.]
Section D. Procedure. 1. The Security Coun- cil should be so organized as to be able to function continuously and each state member of the Secu- rity Council should be permanently represented at the headquarters of the Organization. It may hold meetings at such other places as in its judg- ment may best facilitate its work. There should be periodic meetings at which each state member of the Security Council could if it so desired be represented by a member of the government or some other special representative.
2. The Security Council should be empowered to set up such bodies or agencies as it may deem necessary for the performance of its functions in- cluding regional subcommittees of the Military Staff Committee.
3. The Security Council should adopt its own rules of procedure, including the method of select- ing its President.
4. Any member of the Organization should par- ticipate in the discussion of any question brought before the Security Coimcil whenever the Security Council considers that the interests of that member of the Organization are specially affected.
5. Any member of the Organization not having a seat on the Security Council and any state not a member of the Organization, if it is a party to a dispute under consideration by the Security Council, should be invited to participate in the discussion relating to the dispute.
Chapter VII. An International Court of Justice
1. There should be an international court of justice which should constitute the principal judi- cial organ of the Organization.
2. The court should be constituted and should function in accordance vrith a statute which should be annexed to and be a part of the Charter of the Organization.
21
3. The statute of the court of international jus- tice should be either (a) the Statute of the Perma- nent Court of International Justice, continued in force with such modifications as may be desirable or (b) a new statute in the preparation of which the Statute of the Permanent Court of Interna- tional Justice should be used as a basis.
4. All membei’s of the Organization should ifso facto be parties to the statute of the international court of justice.
5. Conditions under which states not members of the Organization may become parties to the statute of the international court of justice should be de- termined in each case by the General Assembly upon recommendation of tiie Security Council.
Chapter VIII. Arrangemexts for the Mainte- nance OF International Peace and Secu- rity Including Prevention and Suppression OF Aggression
Section A. Pacific Settlement of Disputes. 1. The Security Council should be empowered to investi- gate any dispute, or any situation which may lead to international friction or give rise to a dispute, in order to determine whether its continuance is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security.
2. Any state, whether member of the Organiza- tion or not, may bring any such dispute or situation to the attention of the General Assembly or of the Security Council.
3. The parties to any dispute the continuance of which is likely to endanger the maintenance of in- ternational peace and security should obligate themselves, first of all, to seek a solution by nego- tiation, mediation, conciliation, arbitration or judi- cial settlement, or other peaceful means of their own choice. The Security Council should call upon the parties to settle their dispute by such means.
4. If, nevertheless, parties to a dispute of the nature referred to in paragraph 3 above fail to settle it by the means indicated in that paragraph, they should obligate themselves to refer it to the Security Council. The Security Council should in each case decide whether or not the continuance of the particular dispute is in fact likely to en- danger the maintenance of international peace and security, and, accordingly, whether the Security
Council should deal with the dispute, and, if so, whether it should take action under paragraph 5.
5. The Security Council should be empowered, at any stage of a dispute of the nature referred to in paragraph 3 above, to recommend appropriate procedures or methods of adjustment.
6. Justiciable disputes should normally be re- ferred to the international court- of justice. The Security Council should be empowered to refer to the court, for advice, legal questions connected with other disputes.
7. The provisions of paragraph 1 to 6 of Sec- tion A should not apply to situations or disputes arising out of matters which by international law are solely within the domestic jurisdiction of the state concerned.
Section B. Determination of Threats to the Peace or Acts of Aggression and Action With Respect Thereto. 1. Should the Security Council deem that a failure to settle a dispute in accordance with procedures indicated in paragraph 3 of Section A, or in accordance with its recommendations made under paragraph 5 of Section A, constitutes a threat to the maintenance of international peace and security, it should take any measures necessary for the maintenance of international peace and security in accordance with the purposes and prin- ciples of the Organization.
2. In general the Security Council should deter- mine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace or act of aggression and should make recommendations or decide upon the meas- ures to be taken to maintain or restore peace and security.
3. The Security Council should be empowered to detei’mine what diplomatic, economic, or other measures not involving the use of armed force should be employed to give effect to its decisions, and to call upon members of the Organization to apply such measures. Such measures may include complete or partial interruption of rail, sea, air, postal, telegraphic, radio and other means of com- munication and the severance of diplomatic and economic relations.
4. Should the Security Council consider such measures to be inadequate, it should be empowered to take such action by air, naval or land forces as may be necessary to maintain or restore interna- tional peace and security. Such action may in- clude demonstrations, blockade and other opera-
22
tions by air, sea or land forces of members of the Organization.
5. In order that all members of the Organiza- tion should contribute to the maintenance of inter- national peace and security, they should undertake to make available to the Security Council, on its call and in accordance with a special agreement or agreements concluded among themselves, armed forces, facilities and assistance necessary for the purpose of maintaining international peace and security. Such agreement or agreements should govern the numbers and types of forces and the nature of the facilities and assistance to be pro- vided. The special agreement or agreements should be negotiated as soon as possible and should in each case be subject to approval by the Security Council and to ratification by the signatorj^ states in accordance with their constitutional processes.
6. In order to enable urgent military measures to be taken by the Organization there should be held immediately available by the members of the Organization national air force contingents for combined international enforcement action. The strength and degree of readiness of these contin- gents and plans for their combined action should be determined by the Security Council with the assistance of the Slilitary Staff Committee within the limits laid down in the special agreement or agreements referred to in paragraph 5 above.
7. The action required to carry out the decisions of the Security Council for the maintenance of in- ternational peace and security should be taken by all the members of the Organization in coopera- tion or by some of them as the Security Council may determine. This undertaking should be car- ried out by the members of the Organization by their own action and through action of the appro- priate specialized organizations and agencies of which they are members.
8. Plans for the application of armed force should be made by the Security Council with the assistance of the Military Staff Committee referred to in paragraph 9 below.
9. There should be established a Military Staff Committee the functions of which should be to advise and assist the Security Council on all ques- tions relating to the Security Council’s military requirements for the maintenance of international peace and security, to the employment and com-
mand of forces placed at its disposal, to the regu- lation of armaments, and to possible disarmament. It should be responsible under the Security Council for the strategic direction of any armed forces placed at the disposal of the Security Council. The Committee should be composed of the Chiefs of Staff of the permanent members of the Security Council or their representatives. Any member of the Organization not permanently represented on the Committee should be invited by the Committee to be associated with it when the efficient discharge of the Committee’s responsibilities requires that such a state should participate in its work. Ques- tions of command of forces should be worked out subsequently.
10. The members of the Organization should join in affording mutual assistance in carrying out the measures decided upon by the Security Council.
11. Any state, whether a member of the Organi- zation or not, which finds itself confronted with special economic problems arising from the carry- ing out of measures wliich have been decided upon by the Security Council should have the right to consult the Security Coimcil in regard to a solu- tion of those problems.
Section G . Regional An'angements. 1. Nothing in the Cliarter should preclude the existence of regional arrangements or agencies for dealing with such matters relating to the maintenance of inter- national peace and security as are appropriate for regional action, provided such arrangements or agencies and their activities are consistent with the purposes and principles of the Organization. The Security Coimcil shoidd encourage settlement of local disputes through such regional arrange- ments or by such regional agencies, either on the initiative of the states concerned or by reference from the Security Council.
2. The Security Council should, where appro- priate, utilize such arrangements or agencies for enforcement action under its authority, but no en- forcement action should be taken under regional arrangements or by regional agencies without the authorization of the Security Council.
3. The Security Council should at all times be kept fully informed of activities undertaken or in contemplation under regional arrangements or by regional agencies for the maintenance of interna- tional peace and security.
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Chapter IX. Arrangements for International Economic and Social Cooperation
Section A. Purpose and Relationships. 1. With a view to the creation of conditions of stability and well-being which are necessary for peaceful and friendly relations among nations, the Organiza- tion should facilitate solutions of international economic, social and other humanitarian problems and promote respect for human rights and funda- mental freedoms. Responsibility for the discharge of this function should be vested in the General Assembly and, under the authority of the General Assembly, in an Economic and Social Council.
2. The various specialized economic, social and other organizations and agencies would have re- sponsibilities in their respective fields as defined in their statutes. Each such organization or agency should be brought into relationship with the Organization on terms to be determined by agreement between the Economic and Social Council and the appropriate authorities of the specialized organization or agency, subject to ap- proval by the General Assembly.
Section B. Composition and Voting. The Eco- nomic and Social Council should consist of repre- sentatives of eighteen members of the Organiza- tion. The states to be represented for this purpose should be elected by the General Assembly for terms of three years. Each such state should have one representative, who should have one vote. De- cisions of the Economic and Social Council should be taken by simple majority vote of those present and voting.
Section C. Functions and Powers of the Eco- nomic and Social Coumcil. 1. The Economic and Social Council should be empowered :
a. to carry out, within the scope of its func- tions, recommendations of the General Assembly ;
b. to make recommendations, on its own initia- tive, with respect to international economic, social and other humanitarian matters;
c. to receive and consider reports from the eco- nomic, social and other organizations or agencies brought into relationship with the Organization, and to coordinate their activities through consul- tations with, and recommendations to, such organi- zations or agencies;
d. to examine the administrative budgets of such specialized organizations or agencies with a
view to making recommendations to the organi- zations or agencies concerned ;
e. to enable the Secretary-General to provide information to the Security Council;
f. to assist the Security Council upon its request ; and
g. to perform such other functions within the general scope of its competence as may be assigned to it by the General Assembly.
Section D. Organization and Procedure.
1. The Economic and Social Council should set up an economic commission, a social commission, and such other commissions as may be required. These commissions should consist of experts. There should be a permanent staff which should constitute a part of the Secretariat of the Organi- zation.
2. The Economic and Social Council should make suitable arrangements for representatives of the specialized organizations or agencies to par- ticipate without vote in its deliberations and in those of the commissions established by it.
3. The Economic and Social Council should adopt its own rules of procedure and the method of selecting its President.
Chapter X. The Secretariat
1. There should be a Secretariat comprising a Secretary-General and such staff as may be re- quired. The Secretary-General should be the chief administrative officer of the Organization. He should be elected by the General Assembly, on rec- ommendation of the Security Council, for such term and under such conditions as are specified in the Charter.
2. Tlie Secretary-General should act in that ca- pacity in all meetings of the General Assembly, of the Security Council, and of the Economic and Social Council and should make an annual report to the General Assembly on the work of the Organization.
3. The Secretarj'-General should have the right to bring to the attention of the Security Council any matter which in his opinion may threaten international peace and security.
Chapter XI. Amendments
Amendments should come into force for all mem- bers of the Organization, when they have been
24
adopted by a vote of two-thirds of the members of the General Assembly and ratified in accordance with their respective constitutional processes by the members of the Organization having perma- nent membership on the Security Council and by a majority of the other members of the Organi- zation.
Chapter XII. Transitional Arrangements
1. Pending the coming into force of the special agreement or agreements referred to in Chapter VIII, Section B, paragraph 5, and in accordance with the provisions of paragraph 5 of the Four- Nation Declaration, signed at Moscow, October 30, 1943, the states parties to that Declaration should consult with one another and as occasion arises
with other members of the Organization with a view to such joint action on behalf of the Organi- zation as may be necessary for the purpose of main- taining international peace and security.
2. No provision of the Charter should preclude action taken or authorized in relation to enemy states as a result of the present war by the Gov- ernments having responsibility for such action.
Note
In addition to the question of voting procedure in the Security Council referred to in Chapter VI, several other questions are still under considera- tion.
Washington, D. C., October 7,
International Civil Aviation Conference
at Chicago
December 7, 1944
ARTICLES OF THE FINAL ACT BEARING PARTICULARLY UPON INTERNATIONAL SECURITY ORGANIZATION
Article 61f.
THE ORGANIZATION may, with respect to air matters within its competence directly affecting world security, by vote of the Assembly enter into appropriate arrangements with any general or- ganization set up by the nations of the world to preserve peace.
Article 93
States other than those provided for in Articles 91 and 92(a) ^ may, subject to approval by any
general international organization set up by the nations of the world to preserve peace, be admitted to participation in this Convention by means of a four-fifths vote of the Assembly and on such con- ditions as the Assembly may prescribe : provided that in each case the assent of any State invaded or attacked during the present war by the State seek- ing admission shall be necessary.
'Art. 91 provides for signatory States; art. 92(a) for “members of the United Nations and States associated with them, and States whicli remained neutral during the present world conflict.”
25
Annual Message of the President to the Congress*
January 6, 1945
TO THE CONGRESS of the United States : In considering the state of the Union, the war, and the peace that is to follow, are naturally uppermost in the minds of all of us.
This war must be waged — it is being waged — with the greatest and most persistent intensity. Everything we are and have is at stake. Every- thing we are and have Avill be given. American men, fighting far from home, have already won victories which the Avorld will never forget.
We have no question of the ultimate victory. We have no question of the cost. Our losses will be heavy.
We and our Allies will go on fighting together to ultimate total victory.
We have seen a year marked, on the whole, by substantial progi’ess toward victory, even though the year ended with a set-back for our arms, Avhen the Germans launched a ferocious counter-attack into Luxembourg and Belgium with the obvious objective of cutting our line in the center.
Our men have fought with indescribable and unforgettable gallantry under most difficult con- ditions, and our German enemies have sustained considerable losses while failing to obtain their objectives.
The high tide of this German effort was reached two days after Christmas. Since then we have re- assumed the offensive, rescued the isolated garri- son at Bastogne, and forced a German withdrawal along the whole line of the salient. The speed with which we recovered from this savage attack was largely possible because we have one Supreme Commander in complete control of all the Allied armies in France. General Eisenhower has faced this period of trial with admirable calm and reso- lution and with steadily increasing success. Ho has my complete confidence.
‘ The complete text of the message of Jan. 6, 1945, is printed as H. Doc. 1, 79th Cong.
Further desperate attempts may well be made to break our lines, to slow our progress. We must never make the mistake of assuming that the Ger- mans are beaten until the last Nazi has surren- dered.
And I would express another most serious warn- ing against the poisonous effects of enemy propa- ganda.
The wedge that the Germans attempted to drive in Western Europe was less dangerous in actual terms of winning the war than the wedges which they are continually attempting to drive between ourselves and our Allies.
Every little rumor which is intended to weaken our faith in our Allies is like an actual enemy agent in our midst — seeking to sabotage our war effort. There are, here and there, evil and base- less rumors against the Russians — rumors against the British — rumors against our own American commanders in the field.
When you examine these rumors closely, you will observe that every one of them bears the same trade-mark — “Made in Germany”.
We must resist this divisive propaganda — we must destroy it — with the same strength and the same determination that our fighting men are dis- playing as they resist and destroy the panzer divisions.
In Europe, we shall resume the attack and — de- spite temporary set-backs here or there — we shall continue the attack relentlessly until Germany is completely defeated.
It is appropriate at this time to review the basic strategy which has guided us through three years of war, and which will lead, eventually, to total victory.
The tremendous effort of the first years of this war was directed toward the concentration of men and supplies in the various theaters of action at the points where they could hurt our enemies most.
26
It was an effort — in the language of the military men — of deployment of our forces. Many battles — essential battles — were fought; many victories — vital victories — were won. But these battles and these victories were fought and won to hold back the attacking enemy and to put us in positions from which we and our Allies could deliver the final, decisive blows.
In the beginning, our most important military task was to prevent our enemies — the strongest and most violently aggressive powers that ever have threatened civilization — from wiiming decisive victories. But even while we were conducting de- fensive, delaying actions, we were looking forward to the time when we could wrest the initiative from our enemies and place our superior resources of men and materials into direct competition with them.
It was plain then that the defeat of either enemy would require the massing of overwhelming forces — ground, sea, and air — in positions from which we and our Allies could strike directly against the enemy homelands and destroy the Nazi and Japanese war machines.
In the case of Japan, we had to await the com- pletion of extensive preliminary operations — oper- ations designed to establish secure supply lines through the Japanese outer-zone defenses. This called for overwhelming sea power and air power — supported by ground forces strategically employed against isolated outpost garrisons.
Always — from the very day we were attacked — it was right militarily as well as morally to reject the arguments of those shortsighted people who would have had us throw Britain and Russia to the Nazi wolves and concentrate against the Japa- nese. Such people urged that we fight a purely defensive war against Japan while allowing the domination of all the rest of the world by Nazism and Fascism.
In the European theater, the necessary bases for the massing of ground and air power against Ger- many were already available in Great Britain. In the Mediterranean area we could begin ground operations against major elements of the German Army as rapidly as we could put troops in the field, first in North Africa and then in Italy.
Therefore, our decision was made to concentrate the bulk of our ground and air forces against Germany until her utter defeat. That decision was based on all these factors; and it was also
based on the realization that, of our two enemies, Germany would be more able to digest quickly her conquests, the more able quickly to convert the manpower and I’esources of her conquered territory into a war potential.
We had in Europe two active and indomitable Allies — Britain and the Soviet Union — and there were also the heroic resistance movements in the occupied countries, constantly engaging and har- assing the Germans.
We cannot forget how Britain held the line, alone, in 1940 and 1941; and at the same time, despite ferocious bombardment from the air, built up a tremendous armaments industry which en- abled her to take the offensive at El Alamein in 1942.
We cannot forget the heroic defense of Moscow and Leningrad and Stalingrad, or the tremendous Russian offensives of 1943 and 1944 which de- stroyed formidable German armies.
Nor can we forget how, for more than seven long years, the Chinese people have been sustain- ing the barbarous attacks of the Japanese and con- taining large enemy forces on the vast areas of the Asiatic mainland.
In the future we must never forget the lesson that we have learned — that we must have friends who will woi’k with us in peace as they have fought at our side in war.
As a result of the combined effort of the Allied forces, great military victories were achieved in 1944: the liberation of France, Belgium, Greece, and parts of the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia; the surrender of Rumania and Bulgaria; the invasion of Germany itself and Hungary ; the steady march through the Pacific Islands to the Philippines, Guam, and Saipan ; and the beginnings of a mighty air offen- sive against the Japanese islands.
Now, as this seventy-ninth Congress meets, we have reached the most critical phase of the war.
The greatest victory of the last year was, of course, the successful breach on June 6, 1944 of the German “impregnable” sea wall of Europe and the victorious sweep of the Allied forces through France and Belgium and Luxembourg — ■ almo.st to the Rhine itself.
The cross-Channel invasion of the Allied armies was the greatest amphibious operation in the his- tory of the woi-ld. It overshadowed all other operations in this or any other war in its hn-
27
mensity. Its success is a tribute to the fighting courage of the soldiers who stormed the beaches — to the sailors and merchant seamen who put the soldiers ashore and kept them supplied — and to the military and naval leaders who achieved a real miracle of planning and execution. And it is also a tribute to the ability of two nations, Britain and America, to plan together, and work together, and fight together in perfect cooperation and perfect harmony.
This cross-Channel invasion was followed in August by a second gi'eat amphibious operation, landing troops in Southern France. In this, the same cooperation and the same harmony existed between the American, French, and other Allied forces based in North Africa and Italy.
The success of the two invasions is a tribute also to the ability of many men and women to maintain silence, when a few careless words would have im- periled the lives of hundreds of thousands and would have jeopardized the whole vast under- takings.
These two great operations were made possible by success in the Battle of the Atlantic.
Without this success over German submarines, we could not have built up our invasion forces or air forces in Great Britain, nor could we have kept a steady stream of supplies flowing to them after they had landed in France.
The Nazis, however, may succeed in improving their submarines and their crews. They have re- cently increased their U-boat activity. The Battle of the Atlantic — like all campaigns in this war — demands eternal vigilance. But the British, Cana- dian, and other Allied Navies, together with our own, are constantly on the alert.
The tremendous operations in Western Europe have overshadowed in the public mind the less spectacular but vitally important Italian front. Its place in the strategic conduct of the war in Europe has been obscured, and — ^by some people, unfortunately — underrated.
It is important that any misconception on that score be corrected — now.
What the Allied forces in Italy are doing is a well-considered part in our strategy in Europe, now aimed at only one objective — the total defeat of the Germans. These valiant forces in Italy are continuing to keep a substantial portion of the German Army under constant pressure — including some twenty first-line German divisions and the
necessary supply and transport and replacement troops — aU of which our enemies need so badly elsewhere.
Over very difficult terrain and through adverse weather conditions, our Fifth Army and the Brit- ish Eighth Army — reinforced by units from other United Nations, including a brave and well- equipped unit of the Brazilian Army — have, in the past year, pushed north through bloody Cassino and the Anzio beachhead and through Rome until now they occupy heights overlooking the valley of the Po.
The greatest tribute which can be paid to the courage and fighting ability of these splendid sol- diers in Italy is to point out that although their strength is about equal to that of the Germans they oppose, the Allies have been continuously on the offensive.
That pressure, that offensive, by our troops in Italy will continue.
The American people — and every soldier now fighting in the Appennines — should remember that the Italian front has not lost any of the impor- tance which it had in the days when it was the only Allied front in Europe.
In the Pacific during the past year, we have conducted the fastest-moving offensive in the his- tory of modern warfare. We have driven the en- emy back more than 3,000 miles across the central Pacific.
A year ago, our conquest of Tarawa was a little more than a month old.
A year ago, we were preparing for our invasion of Kwajalein, the second of our great strides across the central Pacific to the Philippines.
A year ago. General MacArthur was still fight- ing in New Guinea almost 1,500 miles from liis present position in the Philippine Islands.
We now have firmly established bases in the Mariana Islands from which our Superfortresses bomb Tokyo itself — and will continue to blast Japan in ever-increasing numbers.
J apanese forces in the Philippines have been cut in two. There is still hard fighting ahead — costly fighting. But the liberation of the Philippines will mean that Japan has been largely cut off from her conquest in the East Indies.
The landing of our troops on Leyte was the largest amphibious operation thus far conducted in the Pacific.
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Moreover, these landings drew the Japanese fleet into the first great sea battle which Japan has risked in almost two years. Not since the night engagements around Guadalcanal in November- December 1942 had our Navy been able to come to grips with major units of the Japanese fleet. We had brushed against their fleet in the first battle of the Philippine Sea in June 1944, but not until last October were we able really to engage a major por- tion of the Japanese Navy in actual combat. The naval engagement which raged for three days was the heaviest blow ever struck against Japanese sea power.
As the result of that battle, much of what is left of the Japanese fleet has been driven behind the screen of islands that separates the Yellow Sea, the China Sea, and the Sea of Japan from the Pacific.
Our Navy looks forward to any opportunity which the lords of the Japanese Navy will give us to fight them again.
The people of this Nation have a right to be proud of the courage and fighting ability of the men in the armed forces — on all fronts. They also have a right to be proud of American leadership which has guided their sons into battle.
The history of the generalship of this war has been a history of teamwork and cooperation, of skill and daring. Let me give you one example out of last year’s operations in the Pacific.
Last September Admiral Halsey led American naval task forces into Philippine waters and north to the East China Sea and struck heavy blows at Japanese air and sea power.
At that time, it was our plan to approach the Philippines by further stages, taking islands which we may call A, C, and £". However, Admiral Hal- sey reported that a direct attack on Leyte appeared feasible. When General MacArthur received the reports from Admiral Halsey’s task forces, he also concluded that it might be possible to attack the Japanese in the Philippines directly — by -passing islands A, C, and A’.
Admiral Nimitz thereupon offered to make available to General MacArthur several divisions which had been scheduled to take the intermediate objectives. These discussions, conducted at great distances, all took place in one day.
General MacArthur immediately informed the Joint Chiefs of Staff here in Washington that he
was prepared to initiate plans for an attack on Leyte in October. Approval of the change in plan was given on the same day.
Thus, within the space of 24 hours, a major change of plans was accomplished which involved Army and Navy forces from two different theaters of operations — a change which hastened the liber- ation of the Philippines and the final day of vic- tory— a change which saved lives which would have been expended in the capture of islands which are now neutralized far behind our lines.
Our over-all strategy has not neglected the im- portant task of rendering all possible aid to China. Despite almost insuperable difficulties, we increased this aid during 1944. At present our aid to CMna must be accomplished by air transport — there is no other way. By the end of 1944, the Air Trans- port Command was carrying into China a tonnage of supplies three times as great as that delivered a year ago, and much more, each month, than the Burma road ever delivered at its peak.
Despite the loss of important bases in China, the tonnage delivered by air transport has enabled General Chemiault’s Fourteenth Air Force, which includes many Chinese flyers, to wage an effective and aggressive campaign against the Japanese. In 1944, aircraft of the Fourteenth Air Force flew more than 35,000 sorties against the Japanese and sank enormous tonnage of enemy shipping, greatly diminishing the usefulness of the China Sea lanes.
British, Dominion, and Chinese forces together with our own have not only held the line in Burma against determined Japanese attacks but have gained bases of considerable importance to the supply line into China.
The Burma campaigns have involved incredible hardship, and have demanded exceptional forti- tude and determination. The officers and men who have served with so much devotion in these far- distant jungles and mountains deserve high honor from their countrymen.
In all of the far-flung operations of our own armed forces — on land, and sea, and in the air — the final job, the toughest job, has been performed by the average, easy-going, hard-fighting young American who carries the weight of battle on his own shoulders.
It is to him that we and all future generations of Americans must pay grateful tribute.
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In the field of foreign policy, we propose to stand together with the United Nations not for the war alone but for the victory for which the war is fought.
It is not only a common danger which unites us but a common hope. Ours is an association not of governments but of peoples — and the peoples’ hope is peace. Here, as in England ; in England, as in Russia; in Russia, as in China; in France, and through the continent of Europe, and throughout the world; wherever men love freedom, the hope and purpose of the people are for peace — a peace that is durable and secure.
It will not be easy to create this peoples’ peace. We delude oui'selves if we believe that the surren- der of the armies of our enemies will make the peace we long for. The miconditional surrender of the armies of our enemies is the first and neces- sary step — but the first step only.
We have seen already, in areas liberated from the Nazi and the Fascist tyrannj', what problems peace will bring. And we delude ourselves if we attempt to believe wishfully that all these problems can be solved overnight.
The firm foundation can be built — and it will be built. But the continuance and assurance of a living peace must, in the long run, be the work of the people themselves.
We ourselves, like all peoples who have gone through the difficult processes of liberation and adjustment, know of our own experience how great the difficulties can be. We know that they are not difficulties peculiar to any continent or any nation. Our own Revolutionary War left behind it, in the words of one American historian, “an eddy of law- lessness and disregard of hiunan life”. There were separatist movements of one kind or another in Vermont, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Maine. There were insurrections, open or threatened, in Massachusetts and New Hampshire. These difficulties we worked out for ourselves as the peoples of the liberated areas of Europe, faced with complex problems of adjust- ment, will work out their difficulties for themselves.
Peace can be made and kept only by the united determination of free and peace-loving peoples who are willing to work together — willing to help one another — willing to respect and tolerate and try to understand one another’s opinions and feelings.
The nearer we come to vanquishing our enemies the more we inevitably become conscious of dif- ferences among the victors.
We must not let those differences divide us and blind us to our more important common and con- tinuing interests in winning the war and building the peace.
International cooperation on which enduring peace must be based is not a one-way street.
Nations like individuals do not always see alike or think alike, and international cooperation and progress are not helped by any nation assuming that it has a monopoly of wisdom or of virtue.
In the future world, the misuse of power, as implied in the term “power politics”, must not be a controlling factor in international relations. That is the heart of the principles to which we have subscribed. We cannot deny that power is a factor in world politics any more than we can deny its existence as a factor in national politics. But in a democratic world, as in a democratic nation, power must be linked with responsibility, and obliged to defend and justify itself within the framework of the general good.
Perfectionism, no less than isolationism or im- perialism or power politics, may obstruct the paths to international peace. Let us not forget that the retreat to isolationism a quarter of a century ago was started not by a direct attack against inter- national cooperation, but against the alleged im- perfections of the peace.
In our disillusionment after the last war, we preferred international anarchy to international cooperation with nations which did not see and think exactly as we did. We gave up the hope of gradually achieving a better peace because we had not the courage to fulfil our responsibilities in an admittedly imperfect world.
We must not let that happen again, or we shall follow the same tragic road again — the road to a third world war.
We can fulfil our responsibilities for maintain- ing the security of our own country only by ex- ercising our power and our influence to achieve the principles in which we believe and for which we have fought.
In August 1941 Prime Minister Churcliill and I agreed to the principles of the Atlantic Charter, these being later incorporated into the Declaration by United Nations of January 1, 1942. At that
30
time certain isolationists protested vigorously against our right to proclaim the principles — and against the very principles themselves. Today, many of the same people are protesting against the possibility of violation of the same principles.
It is true that the statement of principles in the Atlantic Charter does not provide rules of easy application to each and every one of this war-torn world’s tangled situations. But it is a good and useful thing — it is an essential thing — to have principles toward which we can aim.
And we shall not hesitate to use our influence — and to use it now — to secure so far as is humanly possible the fulfilment of the principles of the Atlantic Charter. We have not shrunk from the military responsibilities brought on by this war. We cannot and will not shrink from the political responsibilities which follow in the wake of battle.
I do not wish to give the impression that all mistakes can be avoided and that many disap- pointments are not inevitable in the making of peace. But we must not this time lose the hope of establishing an international order which will be capable of maintaining peace and realizing through the years more perfect justice between nations.
To do this we must be on our guard not to exploit and exaggerate the differences between us and our Allies, particulai’ly with reference to the peoples who have been liberated from Fascist tyranny. That is not the way to secure a better settlement of those differences or to secure international ma- chinery which can rectify mistakes which may be made.
I should not be frank if I did not admit concern about many situations — the Greek and Polish for example. But those situations are not as easy or as simple to deal with as some spokesmen, whose sincerity I do not question, would have us believe. We have obligations, not necessarily legal, to the exiled governments, to the underground leaders and to our major Allies who came much nearer the shadows than we did.
We and our Allies have declared that it is our purpose to respect the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live and to see sovereign rights and self-government restored to those who have been forcibly deprived of them. But with internal dissension, with many citizens of liberated countries still prisoners of
war or forced to labor in Germany, it is difficult to guess the kind of self-government the people really want.
During the interim period, until conditions per- mit a genuine expression of the peoples’ will, we and our Allies have a duty, which we cannot ignore, to use our influence to the end that no temporary or provisional authorities in the liberated coun- tries block the eventual exercise of the peoples’ right freely to choose the government and insti- tutions under which, as free men, they are to live.
It is only too easy for all of us to rationalize what we want to believe, and to consider those leaders we like responsible and those we dislike irresponsible. And our task is not helped by stub- born partisanship, however understandable, on the part of opposed internal factions.
It is our purpose to help the peace-loving peoples of Europe to live together as good neighbors, to recognize their common interests, and not to nurse their traditional grievances against one another.
But we must not permit the many specific and immediate problems of adjustment connected with the liberation of Europe to delay the establish- ment of permanent machinery for the mainte- nance of peace. Under the threat of a common danger, the United Nations joined together in war to preserve their independence and their freedom. They must now join together to make secure the independence and freedom of all peace-loving states, so that never again shall tyranny be able to divide and conquer.
International peace and well-being, like national peace and well-being, require constant alertness, continuing cooperation, and organized effort.
International peace and well-being, like na- tional peace and well-being, can be secured only through institutions capable of life and growth.
Many of the problems of the peace are upon us even now while the conclusion of the war is still before us. The atmosphere of friendship and mutual understanding and determination to find a common ground of common understanding, which surrounded the conversations at Dumbarton Oaks, gives us reason to hope that future discussions will succeed in developing the democratic and fully in- tegrated world-security system toward which these preparatory conversations were directed.
We and the other United Nations are going for- ward, with vigor and resolution, in our efforts to
31
create such a system by providing for it strong and flexible institutions of joint and cooperative action.
The aroused conscience of humanity will not per- mit failure in this supreme endeavor.
We believe that the extraordinary advances in the means of intercommunication between peoples over the past generation offer a practical method of advancing the mutual understanding upon which peace and the institutions of peace must rest, and it is our policy and purpose to use these great teclmological achievements for the common advan- tage of the world.
We support the greatest possible freedom of trade and commerce.
We Americans have always believed in freedom of opportunity, and equality of opportunity re- mains one of the principal objectives of our na- tional life. Wliat we believe in for individuals, we believe in also for nations. We are opposed to restrictions, whether by public act or private arrangement, which distort and impair com- merce, transit, and trade.
We have house-cleaning of our own to do in this regard. But it is our hope, not only in the interest of otir own prosperity but in the interest of the prosperity of the world, that trade and commerce and access to materials and markets may be freer after this war than ever before in the history of the world.
One of the most heartening events of the year in the international field has been the renaissance of the French people and the return of the French nation to the ranks of the United Nations. Far from having been crushed by the terror of Nazi domination, the French people have emerged with stronger faith than ever in the destiny of their coimtry and in the soundness of the democratic ideals to which the French nation has traditionally contributed so greatly.
During her liberation, France has given proof of her unceasing determination to fight the Ger- mans, continuing the heroic efforts of the resistance groups under the occupation and of all those Frenchmen throughout the world who refused to surrender after the disaster of 1940.
Today, French armies are again on the German frontier, and are again fighting shoulder to shoul- der with our sons.
Since our landings in Africa, we have placed in French hands all the arms and material of war which our resources and the military situation per- mitted. And I am glad to say that we are now about to equip large new French forces with the most modern weapons for combat duty.
In addition to the contribution which France can make to our common victory, her liberation likewise means that her great influence will again be available in meeting the problems of peace.
We fully recognize France’s vital interest in a lasting solution of the German problem and the contribution which she can make in achieving in- ternational security. Her formal adherence to the Declaration by United Nations a few days ago and the proposal at the Dumbarton Oaks discussions, whereby France would receive one of the five per- manent seats in the proposed Security Council, demonstrate the extent to which France has re- sinned her proper position of strength and leadership.
We have a great many problems ahead of us and we must approach them with realism and courage.
This new year of 1945 can be the greatest year of achievement in human history.
1945 can see the final ending of the Nazi-Fascist reign of terror in Europe.
1945 can see the closing in of the forces of retri- bution about the center of the malignant power of imperialistic Japan.
Most important of all — 1945 can and must see the substantial begimiing of the organization of world peace. This organization must be the fulfillment of the promise for which men have fought and died in this war. It must be the justification of all the sacrifices that have been made — of all the dreadful misery that this world has endured.
We Americans of today, together with our Allies, are making history — and I hope it will be better history than ever has been made before.
We pray that we may be worthy of the unlimited opportunities that God has given us.
32
Report of Crimea Conference
February 11, 1945
FOR THE PAST eight days, Winston S. Churchill, Prime Minister of Great Britain, Franklin D. Roosevelt, President of the United States of America, and Marshal J. V. Stahn, Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, have met with the Foreign Secretaries, Chiefs of Staff, and other advisors in the Crimea.
[A list of participants in addition to the three heads of governments follows here in the original.]
The following statement is made by the Prime Minister of Great Britain, the President of the United States of America, and the Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the results of the Crimean Conference :
The Defeat of Germany
We have considered and determined the mili- tary plans of the three allied powers for the final defeat of the common enemy. The military staffs of the three allied nations have met in daily meet- ings throughout the Conference. These meetings have been most satisfactory from every point of view and have resulted in closer coordination of the military effort of the three allies than ever be- fore. The fullest information has been inter- changed. The timing, scope and coordination of new and even more powerful blows to be launched by our armies and air forces into the heart of Germany from the East, West, North and South have been fully agreed and planned in detail.
Our combined military plans will be made known only as we execute them, but we believe that the very close working partnership among the three staffs attained at this Conference will result in shortening the War. Meetings of the three staffs will be continued in the future whenever the need arises.
Nazi Germany is doomed. The German people will only make the cost of their defeat heavier to
themselves by attempting to continue a hopeless resistance.
The Occupation and Control of Germany
We have agi’eed on common policies and plans for enforcing the unconditional surrender terms which we shall impose together on Nazi Germany after German armed resistance has been finally crushed. These terms will not be made known until the final defeat of Germany has been accom- plished. Under the agreed plan, the forces of the three powers will each occupy a separate zone of Germany. Coordinated administration and con- trol has been provided for under the plan through a central control commission consisting of the Supreme Commanders of the three powers with headquarters in Berlin. It has been agreed that France should be invited by the three powers, if she should so desire, to take over a zone of occu- pation, and to participate as a fourth member of the control commission. The limits of the French zone will be agreed by the four governments con- cerned through their representatives on the Euro- pean Advisoi-y Commission.
It is our inflexible purpose to destroy German militarism and Nazism and to ensure that Ger- many will never again be able to disturb the peace of the world. We are determined to disarm and disband all German armed forces; break up for all time the German General Staff that has re- peatedly contrived the resurgence of German mili- tarism; remove or destroy all German military equipment; eliminate or control all German in- dustry that could be used for military production ; bring all war criminals to just and swift punish- ment and exact reparation in kind for the destruc- tion wrought by the Germans; wipe out the Nazi Party, Nazi laws, organizations and institutions, remove all Nazi and militarist influences from public otfice and from the cultural and economic life of the German people; and take in harmony
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such other measures in Germany as may be neces- sary to the future peace and safety of the world. It is not our purpose to destroy the people of Ger- many, but only when Nazism and militarism have been extirpated will there be hope for a decent life for Germans, and a place for them in the comity of nations.
Reparation by Germany
We have considered the question of the damage caused by Germany to the allied nations in this war and recognized it as just that Germany be obliged to make compensation for this damage in kind to the greatest extent possible. A commis- sion for the compensation of damage will be estab- lished. The commission will be instructed to con- sider the question of the extent and methods for compensating damage caused by Germany to the allied countries. The commission will work in Moscow.
United Nations Conference
We are resolved upon the earliest possible estab- lishment with our allies of a general international organization to maintain peace and security. We believe that this is essential, both to prevent ag- gression and to remove the political, economic and social causes of war through the close and continu- ing collaboration of all peace-loving peoples.
The foundations were laid at Dumbarton Oaks. On the important question of voting procedure, however, agreement was not there reached. The present Conference has been able to resolve this difficulty.
We have agreed that a conference of United Nations should be called to meet at San Francisco in the United States on April 25, 1945, to prepare the charter of such an organization, along the lines proposed in the informal conversations at Dumbarton Oaks.
The Government of China and the Provisional Government of France will be immediately con- sulted and invited to sponsor invitations to the conference jointly with the Governments of the United States, Great Britain and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. As soon as the con- sultation with China and France has been com- pleted, the text of the proposals on voting proce- dure will be made public.
Declaration on Liberated Europe
The Premier of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the Prime Minister of the United King- dom, and the President of the United States of America have consulted with each other in the common interests of the peoples of their countries and those of liberated Europe. They jointly de- clare their mutual agreement to concert during the temporary period of instability in liberated Europe the policies of their three governments in assisting the peoples liberated from the domina- tion of Nazi Germany and the peoples of the former Axis satellite states of Europe to solve by democratic means their pressing political and eco- nomic problems.
The establishment of order in Europe and the rebuilding of national economic life must be achieved by processes which will enable the liber- ated peoples to destroy the last vestiges of Naz- ism and Fascism and to create democratic institu- tions of their own choice. This is a principle of the Atlantic Charter — the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live — the restoration of sovereign rights and self-government to those peoples who have been forcibly deprived of them by the aggressor nations.
To foster the conditions in which the liberated peoples may exercise these rights, the three gov- ernments will jointly assist the people in any Eu- ropean liberated state or former Axis satellite state in Europe where in their judgment conditions re- quire (A) to establish conditions of internal peace ; (B) to carry out emergency measures for the re- lief of distressed peoples ; (C) to form interim gov- ernmental authorities broadly representative of all democratic elements in the population and pledged to the earliest possible establishment through free elections of governments responsive to the will of the people; and (D) to facilitate where necessary the holding of such elections.
The three governments will consult the other United Nations and provisional authorities or other governments in Europe when matters of direct interest to them are under consideration.
Wlien, in the opinion of the three governments, conditions in any European liberated state or any former Axis satellite state in Europe make such action necessary, they will immediately consult to-
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gether on the measures necessary to discharge the joint responsibilities set forth in tliis declaration.
By this declaration we reaffirm our faith in the principles of the Atlantic Charter, our pledge in the declaration by the United Nations, and our determination to build in cooperation with other peace-loving nations world order under law, dedi- cated to peace, security, freedom and general well- being of all mankind.
In issuing this declaration, the three powers ex- press the hope that the Provisional Government of the French Republic may be associated with them in the procedure suggested.
Poland
A new situation has been created in Poland as a result of her complete liberation by the Red Army. This calls for the establishment of a Pol- ish provisional government which can be more broadly based than was possible before the recent liberation of Western Poland. The provisional government which is now functioning in Poland should therefore be reorganized on a broader democratic basis with the inclusion of democratic leaders from Poland itself and from Poles abroad. This new government should then be called the Polish Provisional Government of National Unity.
M. Molotov, Mr. Harriman and Sir A. Clark Kerr are authorized as a commission to consult in the first instance in Moscow with members of the present provisional government and with other Polish democratic leaders from within Poland and from abroad, with a view to the reorganization of the present government along the above lines. This Polish Provisional Government of National Unity shall be pledged to the holding of free and unfettered elections as soon as possible on the basis of miiversal suffrage and secret ballot. In these elections all democratic and anti-Nazi par- ties shall have the right to take part and to put forward candidates.
When a Polish Provisional Government of Na- tional Unity has been properly formed in con- formity with the above, the government of the U.S.S.R., which now maintains diplomatic rela- tions with the present provisional government of Poland, and the government of the United King- dom and the government of the U.S.A. will estab- lish diplomatic relations with the new Polish Provisional Government of National Unity, and
will exchange ambassadors by whose reports the respective governments will be kept informed about the situation in Poland.
The three heads of government consider that the Eastern frontier of Poland should follow the Curzon line with digressions from it in some re- gions of five to eight kilometres in favour of Po- land. They recognize that Poland must receive substantial accessions of territory in the North and West. They feel that the opinion of the new Po- lish Pro^nsional Government of National Unity should be sought in due course on the extent of these accessions and that the final delimitation of the western frontier of Poland should thereafter await the peace conference.
Yugoslavia
We have agreed to recommend to Marshal Tito and Dr. Subasic that the agreement between them should be put into effect immediately, and that a new government should be formed on the basis of that agreement.
We also recommend that as soon as the new gov- ernment has been formed it should declare that:
(1) The anti-Fascist assembly of National Lib- eration (Avnoj) should be extended to include members of the last Yugoslav Parliament (Skup- schina) who have not compromised themselves by collaboration with the enemy, thus forming a body to be known as a temporary Parliament ; and,
(2) Legislative acts passed by the anti-Fascist Assembly of National Liberation will be sub- ject to subsequent ratification by a constituent assembly.
There was also a general review of other Balkan questions.
Meetings of Foreign Secretaries
Throughout the Conference, besides the daily meethigs of the heads of governments and the For- eign Secretaries, separate meetings of the three Foreign Secretaries, and their advisors have also been held daily.
These meetings have proved of the utmost value and the Conference agreed that permanent ma- chinery should be set up for regular consultation between the three F oreign Secretaries. They will, therefore, meet as often as may be necessary, prob- ably about every three or four months. These
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meetings will be held in rotation in the three capi- tals, the first meeting being held in London, after the United Nations Conference on World Organi- zation.
Unitt for Peace as for War
Our meeting here in the Crimea has reaffirmed our common determination to maintain and strengthen in the peace to come that unity of pur- pose and of action which has made victory possible and certain for the United Nations in this war. We believe that this is a sacred obligation which our Governments owe to our peoples and to all the peoples of the world.
Only with the continuing and growing cooper-
ation and understanding among our three coun- tries and among all the peace-loving nations can the highest aspiration of hmnanity be realized — a secure and lasting peace which will, in the words of the Atlantic Charter, “afford assurance that all the men in all the lands may live out their lives in freedom from fear and want.”
Victory in this war and establishment of the proposed international organization will provide the greatest opportunity in all history to create in the years to come the essential conditions of such a peace.
Signed: Winston S. Churchill Franklin D. Roosevelt J. Stalin
February 11^ 1945.
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Act of Chapultepec
DECLARATIONS ON RECIPROCAL ASSISTANCE AND AMERICAN SOLIDARITY
March 3, 1945
Whereas :
The peoples of the Americas, animated by a profound love of justice, remain sincerely devoted to the principles of international law;
It is their desire that such principles, not- withstanding the present difficult circumstances, may prevail with greater force in future interna- tional relations ;
The Inter-American Conferences have repeat- edly proclaimed certain fundamental principles, but these must be reaffirmed and proclaimed at a time when the juridical bases of the commu- nity of nations are being re-established ;
The new situation in the world makes more imperative than ever the union and solidarity of the American peoples, for the defense of their rights and the maintenance of international peace ;
The American states have been incorporating in their international law, since 1890, by means of conventions, resolutions and declarations, the fol- lowing principles :
a) The proscription of territorial conquest and the non-recognition of all acquisitions made by force (First International Conference of Ameri- can States, 1890) ;
b) The condemnation of intervention by a State in the internal or external affairs of another (Sev- enth International Conference of American States, 1933, and Inter -American Conference for the Maintenance of Peace, 1936) ;
c) The recognition that every war or threat of war affects directly or indirectly all civilized peo- ples, and endangers the great principles of liberty and justice which constitute the American ideal and the standard of American international policy (Inter- American Conference for the Maintenance of Peace, 1936) ;
d) The procedure of mutual consultation in order to find means of peaceful cooperation in the event of war or threat of war between American countries (Inter -American Conference for the Maintenance of Peace, 1936) ;
e) The recognition that every act susceptible of disturbing the peace of America affects each and every one of the American nations and justifies the initiation of the procedure of consultation (Inter- American Conference for the Maintenance of Peace, 1936) ;
f) That any difference or dispute between the American nations, whatever its nature or origin, shall be settled by the methods of conciliation, or full arbitration, or through international justice (Inter- American Conference for the Maintenance of Peace, 1936) ;
g) The recognition that respect for the person- ality, sovereignty and independence of each Amer- ican State constitutes the essence of international order supported by continental solidarity, which historically has been expressed and sustained by declarations and treaties in force (Eighth Inter- national Conference of American States, 1938) ;
h) The affirmation that respect for and the faithful observance of treaties constitutes the in- dispensable rule for the development of peaceful relations between States, and that treaties can only be revised by agreement of the contracting parties (Declaration of American Principles, Eighth In- ternational Conference of American States, 1938) ;
i) That in case the peace, security or territorial integrity of any American republic is threatened by acts of any nature that may impair them, they proclaim their common concern and their deter- mination to make effective their solidarity, co- ordinating their respective sovereign wills by means of the procedure of consultation, using the measures which in each case the circumstances may make advisable (Declaration of Lima, Eighth In- ternational Conference of American States, 1938) ;
j ) That any attempt on the part of a non- Amer- ican State against the integrity or inviolability of the territory, the sovereignty or the political in- dependence of an American State shall be con- sidered as an act of aggression against all the
* Provisional English translation by the U. S. Delegation.
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American States (Declaration XV of the Second Meeting of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Habana, 1940) ;
The furtherance of these principles, which the American States have practiced in order to secure peace and solidarity between the nations of the Continent constitutes an effective means of contributing to the general system of world se- curity and of facilitating its establishment;
The security and solidarity of the Continent are affected to the same extent by an act of ag- gression against any of the American States by a non- American State, as by an act of aggression of an American State against one or more American States ;
Part I. Declaration
The Governments represented at the Inter- American Conference on War and Peace Declare :
First. That all sovereign States are juridically equal amongst themselves.
Second. That every State has the right to the respect of its individuality and independence, on the part of the other members of the international community.
Third. That every attack of a State against the integrity or the inviolability of the territory, or against the sovereignty or political independ- ence of an American State, shall, conformably to Part III hereof, be considered as an act of aggres- sion against the other States which sign this Act. In any case invasion by armed forces of one State into the territory of another trespassing boundaries established by treaty and demarcated in accordance therewith shall constitute an act of aggression.
Fourth. That in case acts of aggi’ession occur or there may be reasons to believe that an aggres- sion is being prepared by any other State against the integrity and inviolability of the territory, or against the sovereignty or political independence of an American State, the States signatory to this Act will consult amongst themselves in order to agree upon the measures it may be advisable to take.
Fifth. That during the war, and until the treaty recommended in Part II hereof is concluded, the signatoi’ies of this Act recognize that such threats and acts of aggression, as indicated in paragraphs Third and Fourth above, constitute an interference with the war effort of the United Nations, calling for such procedures, within the scope of their constitutional powers of a general
nature and for war, as may be found necessary, including : recall of chiefs of diplomatic missions ; breaking of diplomatic relations ; breaking of con- sular relations; breaking of postal, telegraphic, telephonic, radio-telephonic relations; interrupn tion of economic, commercial and financial rela- tions; use of armed force to prevent or repel aggression.
Sixth. That the principles and procedure con- tained in this Declaration shall become effective immediately, inasmuch as any act of aggression* or threat of aggression during the present state of war interferes with the war effort of the United Nations to obtain victory. Henceforth, and to the end that the principles and procedures herein stipulated shall conform with the constitutional processes of each Republic, the respective Govern- ments shall take the necessary steps to perfect this instrument in order that it shall be in force at all times.
Part II. Recommendation
The Inter- American Conference on Problems of War and Peace Recommends :
That for the purpose of meeting threats or acts of aggression against any American Republic following the establishment of peace, the Govern- ments of the American Republics should consider the conclusion, in accordance with their constitu- tional processes, of a treaty establisliing proce- dures whereby such threats or acts may be met by the use, by all or some of the signatories of said treaty of any one or more of the following meas- ures: recall of chiefs of diplomatic missions; breaking of diplomatic relations; breaking of con- sular relations; breaking of postal, telegraphic, telephonic, radio-telephonic relations; interrup- tion of economic, commercial and financial rela- tions; use of armed force to prevent or repel ag- gression.
Part III
The above Declaration and Recommendation constitute a regional arrangement for dealing with such matters relating to the maintenance of international peace and security as are appro- priate for regional action in this Hemisphere. The said arrangement, and the pertinent activities and procedures, shall be consistent with the pur- poses and principles of the general international organization, when established.
This agreement shall be known as the “act of
CUAPtJLTEPEC”.
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