in. ftZG5A-i POLITICAL HISTORY OF ANCIENT INDIA PROM THE ACCESSION OF PARIKSHIT TO THE EXTINCTION OF THE GUPTA DYNASTY BY HEMCHANDliA RAYCHAUDHURI, M.A., Ph.D., LECTURER IN HISTORY, CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY ; FORMERLY PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, PRESIDENCY COLLEGK, CALCUTTA ; ESHAN SCHOLAR, GRIFFITH PRIZEMAN ; AUTHOR OF ' THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE VAISHNAVA SECT.' PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA 1923 PREFACE The object of the following pages is to sketch the political history of Ancient India from the accession of Parikshit to the extinction of the Gupta Dynasty. The idea of the work suggested itself many years ago from observing a tendency in some of the current books to dismiss the history of the period from the Bharata war to the rise of Buddhism as incapable of arrangement in definite chronological order. The author's aim has been to present materials for an authentic chronological history of Ancient India, including the neglected Post- Bharata period, but excluding the Epoch of the Kanauj Empires which properly falls within the domain of the historian of Mediaeval India. The volume now offered to the public consists of two parts. In the first part an attempt has been made to furnish, from a comparison of the Vedic, Epic, Puranic, Jaina, Buddhist and secular Brahmanical literature, such a narrative of the political vicissitudes of the Post- Parikshita-pre-Bimbisarian period as may not be less intelligible to the reader than Dr. Smith's account of the transactions of the Post-Bimbisarian age It has also been thought expedient to append, towards the end of this part, a short chapter on kingship in the Brahmana- Jataka period. The purpose of the second part is to provide a history of the period from Bimbisara to the Guptas which will be, to a certain extent, more up to date, if less voluminous, than the classic work of Dr. Smith. The greater part of the volume now published was written some years ago, and the author has not had viii PREFACE the opportunity to discuss some of the novel theories advanced in recent works like The Cambridge History of India, and Mr. Pargiter's Ancient Indian HUtorioal Tradition. The writer of these pages otters hi> tribute of respect to the Hon'ble Sir Asutosh Mookerjee for providing opportunities for study which render it possible for a young learner to carry on investigation in the subject of his choice. To Professor D. R. Bhandarkar the author is grateful for the interest taken in the prog of the work. His acknowledgments are also due to Messrs. Girindramohan Sarkar and Rameschandra Raychaudhuri for their assistance in preparing the Indexes. Lastly, this preface cannot be closed without a word of thanks to Mr. A. C. Ghatak, the Superintendent, for his help in piloting the work through the Press. H. C. R. July 16, 1923. ERRATA Page. Line. For. Kead. 9 8 Sankhayana Sankhnyana 26 13 their its 50 15 Trisanku Trisanku 83ff 1 Fall of Kasi Kingship 125 23 their its 139 12 ruler rulers 145 7 Piliar-hall Pillar-hall 154 7 Grama Vridhas Grama Vriddhas 165 31 Tushashpha Tushaspha 166 5 »» j» 170 33 Yudhisthira Yudhishthira 170 34 Pradad Avambika PradadavAmbika 177 1 Kalinla Kalinga 181 35 reverence reverence " 186 33 Kielhorn's Kern's 191 1 Maurya Mauryas 217 3 Puranas Puranic manuscripts 221 23 inentified identified 233 36 861 86 w6 238 18 Jihonia Jihunia 238 27 Yasi-kamudha Ayasi Komusa 238 28 Nadasi-Kasa- Arta Nadasi Akasa «= Arta 243 4 Peshwar Peshawar 244 15 103 136 248 8 Jtajatiraja " Rajadiraja " 254 14 Zeroastrian Zoroastrian 255 11 99 98 263 20 Balasri Bala-^rt 264 34 matron yraic metronymic 268 19 Pallava Pahlava 276 32 colair Colair X ERRATA Page. Line. Foil. Read. 277ff ... Prithivisena I Prithivishcna I 278 35 Davaka Pavaka 279 24 Malavaganamii;it;i Malavaganam nata 28tt 9 Sukulidesa, Sukulidesa. 286 26 Yisliyapati Vishayapati 301 3 Dabhala Pabbala 303 24 Gand as Gauda* CONTENTS PART I From the Accession of Parikshit to the Coronation of Bimbisara. Pa<;f. Foreword ... ... ... ... i Sources ... ... ... ... ii The Age of the Parikshitas ... ... 1 The Age of the Great Janaka ... ... 1G The Later Vaidehas of Mithila ... ... 37 The Deccan in the Age of the Later Vaidehas ... 40 The Sixteen Mahajanapadas ... ... 45 The Fall of Kasi and the Ascendancy of Kosala ... 79 Kingship ... ... ... ... 82 PART II From the coronation of Bimbisara to the extinction of the gupta dynasty. Foreword ... ... ... ... 95 The rise of Magadha. The Age of Bimbisara ... ... ... 97 Kunika Ajatas'atru ... ... ... 105 Ajfltasatru's successors ... ... ... 108 The Chronology of the Bimbisara-Sisunaga group ... 116 The Nandas ... ... ... ... 117 xii CONTENTS The Persian and Macedonian Invasions. Page. V The Persian and Macedonian invasions ... 122 The Maurta Empire: the Era. of Digvijaya. The Reign of Chandragupta Maurya ... ... 137 The Reign of Bindusara ... ... ... 155 The Early years of As'oka ... ... ... 158 The Maurya Empire: The Era of Dhammavijaya and Decline. Asoka after the Kalihga war ... ... 169 The Later Mauryas and the Decline of their power 1*3 The Sunga Empire and the Bactrian Greeks. The Reign of Pushyamitra ... ... 197 Agnimitra and his successors ... ... 211 The Fall of the Magadhan and Indo-Greek Powers. The Kanvas and the Later Sungas ... ... 215 The Satavahanas and the Chetas ... ... 216 The End of Greek Rule in North- West India ... 225 Scythian Rule in Northern Inma. The Sakas ... ... ... ... 230 The Pahlavas or Parthians ... ... ... 242 The Kushans ... ... „. ... 245 CONTENTS xiii Page. Scythian Rule in Southern and Western India. The Kshaharatas ... ... ... 257 The Restoration of the Satavahana empire ... 262 The Sakas of Ujjain . ... ... ... 266 The Gupta Empire. The Rise of the Gupta Power ... ... 271 The Age of the Vikramadityas ... ... 282 The Later Guptas ... ... ... 294 Appendix Bibliographical Index General Index ABBREVIATIONS. A.G.I. ... Ancient Geography of India. « A. H. D. ... Ancient History of the Deccan. Ait. Br. ... Aitareya Brahmana. Alex Plutarch's Life of Alexander. App. Appendix. A. V. Atharva Veda. Bau. Sutra baudhayana Dharma Sutra. Br. Brahmana. Brih. Up. ... BrihadSranyaka Upanishad. Bud. Ind. ... Buddhist India. Camb. Ed. Cambridge Editiou. Carm. Lee. Carmichael Lectures, 1918. Chh. Up. ... Chhandogva Upanishad. C.I.I. ... ... Corpus Inscriptionum I j^icarum, Vol. iii. D. Digha Nikaya. Dialogues ... Dialogues of the Buddha. Ed. ... Edition. E. H. I. ... ... Early History of India, 1914. Ep. Ind. ... Epigraphia Indica. Gaz. . . . Gazetteer. G. E. ... Gupta Era. Gop. Br. ... Gopatha Brahmana Hariv. HarivamSa. H. andF. ... Hamilton and Falconer's Translation of Strabo's Geography. Ind. Ant. ... Indian Antiquary. Ind. Lit. ... History of Indian Literature. Inv. Alex. Invasion of Alexander. J. Jataka. J. A. S, B. Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. J. B. 0. R. S. ... Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society. J. R. A. S. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Kaush. Up. Kaushitaki Upanishad. XVI ABBREVIATIONS Kaut. Arthasastra of Kautilya, Mysore, 1910. Life ... The Life of Hiuen Tsang. M. Majjhima Nikaya. M. A. S. I. Memoirs o* the Archaiological Sumy of India. Mat. Matsya Purana. Mbh. Mahabharata. M. R. ... Minor Rock Edict. N. ... Nikaya. P. . . . Purana. Ram. Ramayana. R. V. Rig- Veda. Sans. Lit. Sanskrit Literature. Sat. Br. ... ... Satapatha Brahmana. S. B. E. ... Sacred Books of the East. & E. Saka Era. S.I.I. ... South Indian Inscriptions. Ved. Ind. ... Vedic Index. Viz. Dist. Gaz. Vizagapatam District Gazetteer. Z. D. M. G. ... Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandis- ehen Gesellschaft. POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA PART I From the Accession of Parikshit to the Coronation of Bimbisara Foreword. No Thucydides or Tacitus has left for posterity a genuine history of Ancient India. But the researches of a multitude of scholars have disclosed an unexpected wealth of materials for the reconstruction of the ancient history of our country. The first attempt to sort and arrange the accumulated and ever-growing stores of knowledge was made by Dr. Vincent Smith. But the excellent historian, failing to find sober history in bardic tales, ignored the period immediately succeeding " the famous war waged on the banks of the Jumna, between the sons of Kuru and the sons of Pandu," and took as his starting point the middle of the seventh century B. C. My aim has been to sketch in outline the political history of Ancient India including the neglected period. I have taken as my starting point the accession of Parikshit, which according to Epic and Pauranic tradition took place shortly after the Bharata War. Valuable information regarding the Parikshita and the post-Parikshita periods has been supplied by eminent ii POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA scholars like Oldenberg, Macdonell, Keith, Rhys Davids, Pargiter, Bhandarkar and others. But the attempt to give a connected history from Parikshit to Bimbisara is, believe, made for the first time in the following pages. Sources. No inscription or coin has unfortunately been dis- covered which can be referred, with any amount of certain- ty, to the pre-Bimbisarian period. Our chief reliance must therefore be placed upon literary evidence. Un- fortunately this evidence is purely Indian, and is not supplemented by those foreign notices which have done more than any archaeological discovery to render possible the remarkable resuscitation of the history of the post- Bimbisarian period. Indian literature useful for the purpose of the his- torian of the post-Parikshita-pre-Bimbisarian age may be divided into five classes, viz. : — I. Brahmanical literature of the post-Parikshita- pre-Bimbisarian period. This class of literature naturally contributes the most valuable information regarding the history of the earliest dynasties and comprises ; (a) The last book of the Atharva Veda. (b) The Aitareya, Satapatha, _ Taittirlya and other ancient Brahmanas. (c) The Brihadaranyaka, Chhandogya and other classical Upanishads. That these works belong to the post-Parikshita period is proved by repeated references to Parikshit, to his son Janamejaya, and to Janaka of Videha at whose court the fate of the Parikshitas was made the subject of a philo- sophical discussion. That these works are pre-Buddhistic and, therefore, pre-Bimbisarian has been proved by com- petent critics like Dr, Rajendralal Mitra (Translation SOURCES iii of the Chhandogya Upanishad, pp. 28*24), Professor Macdonell (History of Sanskrit Literature, pp. 189, 202- 203, 226) and others. II. The second class comprises Brahmanical works to which no definite date can be assigned, but large portions of which, in the opinion of competent critics, belong to the post-Bimbisarian period. To this class belong the Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Puranas. The present Ramayana not only mentions Buddha Tathagata (II. 1C9. 34), but distinctly refers to the struggles of the Hindus with mixed hordes of Yavanas and Sakas, m^H W*lflffircn*l (I. 54. 21). In the Kishkindhya Kanda (IV. 43. 11-12), Sugriva places the country of the Yavanas and the cities of the Sakas between the country of the Kurus and the Madras, and the Himalayas. This shows that the Grseco-Scythians at that time occupied parts of the Pan jab. As regards the present Mahabharata, Hopkins says (Great Epic of India, pp. 391-393), " Buddhist supremacy already decadent is implied by passages which allude contemptuously to the edukas or Buddhistic monuments as having ousted the temples of the gods. Thus in III. 190. 65 'They will revere edukas, they will neglect the gods' ; ib. 67 ' the earth shall be piled with edukas, not adorned with godhouses.' With such expressions may be compared the thoroughly Buddhistic epithet, Catur- maharajika in XII. 339. 40 and Buddhistic philosophy as expounded in the same book." " The Greeks are described as a western people and their overthrow is alluded to The Romans, Romakas, are mentioned but once, in a formal list of all possible peoples II. 51. 17, and stand thus in marked contrast to the Greeks and Persians, Pahlavas, who are mentioned very often The distinct prophecy that 1 Scythians, Greeks and Bactrians will rule unrighteously iv POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA in the evil age to come ' which occurs in III. 188. 35 is too clear a statement to be ignored or explained away." The Puranas which contain lists of kings of the Kali Age cannot be placed earlier than the third or fourth century A.D. because they refer to the Andhra kings and even to the post-Audhras. It is clear from what has been stated above that the Epics and Puranas, in their present shape, are late works which are no better suited to serve as the foundation of the history of the pre-Bimbisarian age than the tales of the Mahavamsa and the Asokavadana are adapted to form the bases of chronicles of the doings of the great Maury a. At the same time we shall not be justified in rejecting their evidence wholesale because much of it is undoubtedly old and valuable. The warning to handla critically, which Dr. Smith considered necessary with regard to the Ceylonese chronicles, is certainly appli- cable to the Sanskrit Epics and Puranas. III. The third class of literature comprises Brahma- nical works of the post-Bimbisarian period to which a definite date may be assigned, e.g., the Arthasastra of Kautilya who flourished in fourth century B.C., the Maha- bhashya of Patanjali (second century B.C.), etc. The value as dated literature of these important works can hardly be overestimated. They form sheet anchors in the troubled sea of Indian chronology. Their evidence with regard to the pre-Bimbisarian age is certainly inferior to that of the Brahmanas and the Upanishads, but the very fact that such information as they contain comes from persons of known date, makes it more valuable than the Epic and Pauranic tradition, the antiquity and authenticity of which can always be called in question. IV. To the fourth class belong the Buddhist Suttas, Vinaya texts and the Jatakas. Most of these works are SOURCES v assignable to pre-Suiiga times. They furnish a good deal of useful information regarding the period which im- mediately preceded the accession of Bhnbisara. They have also the merit of preserving Buddhist versions of ancient stories and vouchsafe light when the light from Brahmanical sources begins to fail. V. To the fifth class belong works of the Jaina canon which were reduced to writing in A.D. 1 5 1 (S. B. E., Vol. XXIT, p. xxxvii, XLV, p. xl). They supply valuable information regarding many kings who lived during the pre-Bimbisarian Age. But their late date makes their evidence not wholly reliable. -/ The Age of the Parikshitas. We have taken as our starting point tWt reign of Parikshit whose accession, according to tradition, took place shortly after the Bharata War. Was there really a king named Parikshit ? True, he is mentioned in the Maliabharata and the Puranas. But the mere mention of a king in this kind of literature is no sure proof of his historical existence unless we have external evidence to corroborate the Epic and Pauranic account. Parikshit appears in a passage of the Twentieth Book of the Atharva Veda Sariihita (A.V., XX. 127. 7-10) as a king in whose realm, that of the Kurus, prosperity and peace abound. We quote the entire passage below. " Rajfio visvajaninasya yo devomartyam ati Vaisvanarasya sushtutima sunota Parikshitah Parichchhinnah kshemamakarot tama asanamacharan Kulayan krinvan Kauravyah patirvadati jayaya Katarat ta ahamni dadhi mantham pari s'rutam Jayah patim vi prichchhati rashtre rajfiah Parikshitah Abhivasvah pra jihlte yavah pakkah patho bilam Janah sa bhadramedhati rashtre rajiiah Parikshitah " " Listen ye to the high praise of the king who rules over all peoples, the god who is above mortals, of VaisvSnara Parikshit ! Parikshit has procured for us a secure dwel- ling when he, the most excellent one, went to his seat. (Thus) the husband in Kuru land, when he founds his household, converses with his wife. "What may I bring to thee, curds, stirred drink or liquor ? (Thus) the wife asks her husband in the kingdom i king Parikshit. 2 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA " Like light the ripe barley runs over beyond the mouth (of the vessels). The people thrive merrily in the kingdom of king Parikshit. " — (Bloomfield, Atharva Veda, pp. 197-198.) Roth and Bloomfield regard Parikshit in the Atharva Veda not as a human king at all. But Zimmer and Oldenberg recognise Parikshit as a real king, a view supported by the fact that in the Aitareya and Satapatha Brahmanas king Janamejaya bears the patronymic Piirik- shita. Cf. the following passage of the Aitareya Brahmana (VIII. 21). "Etena ha va Aindrena mahabhishekena Turah Kava- sheyo Janamejayam Parikshitamabhishishecha." Referring to king Parikshit Macdonell and Keith observe (Vedic Index, Vol. I, p. 494). "The Epic makes him grand-father of Pratisravas and great-grand- fat her of Pratipa." Now, the Epic has really two Parikshits, one a son of Avikshit or Anasva and an ancestor of Pratisravas and Pratipa, the other a descendant of Pratipa and a son of Abhimanyu (Mahabharata, Adiparva, 94.52 and 95.41). We shall call the former Parikshit I and the latter Parikshit II. Was Parikshit I of the Epic identical with the Vedic Parikshit ? The Vedic Parikshit had four sons, namely, Janamejaya, Ugrasena, BMmasena and Srutasena (Vedic Index, Vol. I, p. 520). The Epic Parikshit I, on the other hand, had only one son (BMmasena) according to Chapter 95, verse 42 of the Adiparva of the Mahabharata, and seven sons (Jana- mejaya, Kakshasena, Ugrasena, Chitrasena, Indrasena, Sushena and Bhimasena) according to Chapter 94, verses 54-55, and among these the name of Srutasena does not occur. Even Janamejaya is omitted in Chapter 95 and in the Java text (JRAS, 1913). The Epic poet, therefore, wis not quite sure whether this Parikshit (I) was the father of Janamejaya and Srutasena. On the other hani, according I'OIJTK AL HISTOID OF INDIA 3 to the unanimous testimony of the Mahabharata and the Puranas Parikshit II had undoubtedly a son named Janamejaya who succeeded him on the throne. Thus, the Mahabharata, referring to Parikshit II, the son of Abhi- manyu, says (I. 95. 85) : — " Parikshit khalu Madravatim namopayeme tvan- mataram. Tasyam bhavan Janamejayah." The Matsya Purana says (Mat. 50. 57) : — " Abhimanyoh Parikshittu putrah parapuranjayah Janamejayah Parikshitah putrah paramadharmikah." This Janamejaya had three brothers, namely, Srutasena, Ugrasena and Bhimasena : — " Janamejayah Parikshitah saha bhratribhilji Kurukshetre dirgha satram upaste tasya bhratara strayah Srutasena Ugraseno Bhimasena iti (Mbh. I. 3. 1). Particulars regarding the son and successor of the Vedic Parikshit agree well with what we know of the son and successor of the Epic and Pauranic Parikshit II. Janamejaya, the son of the Vedic Parikshit, is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana as a performer of the Asva- medha. The priest who performed the sacrifice for him was Indrota Daivapa Saunaka. On the other hand, the Aitareya Brahmana which also mentions his Asvamedha names Tura Kavasheya as his priest. The statements of the Satapatha and Aitareya Brahmanas are apparently conflicting, and can only be reconciled if we surmise that Janamejaya performed two horse sacrifices. Is there any evidence that he actually did so ? Curiously enough the Puranas give the evidence which is needed. The Matsya Pitrfina speaking of Janamejaya, the grandson of Abhi- manyu and the son of Parikshit II, says: Dvirasv micd Iiamahritya mahavajasaneyakal.1 Pravartayitva- tarn sarvam rishim Vajasaneyakam Vivade Brahmanaih Barddhamabhisapto vanaih yayau. (Mat. 30. <;:J-64.) 4 II. C. HAVCH AlDHURI The quarrel with the Brahmanas. alluded to in the last line, is also mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana (VII. 27). Parikshit II has thus a greater claim than Pari k shit I to he regarded as identical with the Vedic Parikshit. It is, however, possihle that Parikshit I and Parikshit II were really one and the same individual, but the Epic and Pauranic poets had some doubts as to whether he was to be regarded as an ancestor or a descendant of the Pandavas. The fact that not onlv the name Parikshit, but the names of most of the sons (in the Vishnu Purana the names of all the sons) are common to both, points to the same conclusion. We shall show later that a Kuru prince named Abhipratarin Kakshaseni (i.e., the son of Kakshasena) was one of the immediate successors of the Vedic Janamejaya. Kakshasena thus appears to have been a very near relation of Janamejaya. Now a prince of that name actually appears as a brother of Janamejaya and a son of Parikshit I, in chapter 94 of the Mahabharata. This fact seems to identify the Vedic Parikshit with Parikshit I of the Epic. But we have already seen that other facts are in favour of an identification with Parikshit II. Parikshit I and Parikshit II, therefore, appearto have been really one and the same individual. That there was a good deal of confusion regarding the parentage of Parikshit, and the exact position of the king and his sons in the Kuru genealogy is apparent from the dynastic lists given by the Great Epic and the Vishnu Purana. The latter work says (IV. 20. 1) " Parikshito Janamejaya Srutasenograsena Bhimasenasehatvarah putrah."^ It then gives the names of Kuru princes down to the IVtndus and Parikshit II, and adds (IV. 21. 1) " Atahparaih bhavi- shyanahaih bhumipalan kirtavishye. Yo 'yam sampratam avanipatih tasyaj)i Janamejaya ^rutasenograsena Bhiina- senajj putrfischatvaro bhavishyanti." The eo illusion POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA 0 may have been due to the fact thai acrordingto oik- tradition Parikshit, the father of Jananicjaya, was the ancestor of the Pandus, while according to another tradition he was their descendant, and the Kpic and the Pauranic writers sought to reconcile the traditions by postulating the existence of two Parikshits and two .lana:neja\ as. Tin- important fact to remember is that Parikshit, with whose accession our history begins, should be identified with his Vedic namesake. This conclusion follows from facts to which reference has already been made. We have seen that all the known facts about Parikshit II, the king who ruled after the Bharata war, and his sons tally with what we know about the Vedic Parikshit and his sons. There cannot be any doubt as to his historical reality. Many stories about Parikshit in the epic and the Purauas are obviously legendary. The only facts that can be accepted as historical are that he was a king of the Kurus, that the people lived prosperously under his rule, that he had many sons, and that the eldest prince Janamejaya succeeded him. It will not be quite out of place here to say a few words about the kingdom of Kuru over which Parikshit ruled. The kingdom extended from the Sarasvatl to the Ganges, and was divided into three parts, Kuril j In gala, the Kurus and Kurnkshetra (Mbh. I. 109. 1). The boundaries of Kurnkshetra are given in a passage of the Taittiriya Aranyaka (Vedic Index, I., pp. 1G9-70) as being Khandava on the south, the Turghna on the north, and the Parlnah on the west. Roughly speaking, it corresponded to the modern Sirhind. Within the kingdom flowed the rivers DtishadvatT. KausikJ, Aruna and Sarasvatl, as well as the Apaya. Here, too, was situated $aryanavant, which appears to have been a lake, like that known to die Satapalha Hrahmana by the name of 6 H. C. RAYCHAUDHURI Anyatah-plaksha. According to Pischel there was also in Kurukshetra a stream called Pastya. The capital of the kingdom was Asandlvant (Vedic Index, Vol. I, p. 72). This city was probably identical with Hastinapura the capital which was abandoned by Nichakshu, the famous descendant of Parikshit, when he removed to Kaus'ambl. Gangayapahrite tasmin nagare Nagasahvaye Tyaktva Nichakshu nagararh Kaus'ambyam sani\ atsvati. (Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. ">. i According to epic tradition the kings of Kurukshetra belonged to the Bharata family. The connection of the Bharatas with the Kuru country is amply attested by Vedic evidence. Oldenberg says (Buddha, pp. 409- 410): — "We find in the Rik-Samhita trace of a peculiar position occupied by the Bharatas, a special connection of theirs with important points of sacred significance, which are recognized throughout the whole circle of an- cient Vedic culture. Agni is Bharata, i. e., propitious or belonging to the Bharata or Bharatas ; among the pro- tecting deities who are invoked in the Aprl-odes, we find BharatI, the personified divine protective power of the Bharatas. We find the Sarasvatl constantly named in connection with her ; must not the sacred river Sarasvatl be the river of the holy people, the Bharatas? In one ode of the Mandala, which specially extols the Bharatas (III. 23), the two Bharatas, Devacravas and Deva- vata, are spoken of, who have generated Agni by friction : on the Drishadvati, on the Apaya, on the Sarasvatl may Agni beam. We find thus Bharata princes sacrificinLr in the land on the Drishadvati and on the Sai aftvatT. Now the land on the Drishadvati, and blithe Suisvati is that which is later on so highly celebrated ftlT Kuru- kshetra. Thus the testimonies off tfa» Bftmhitfl and the POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA 7 Brahmana combine to establish the close connection of the ideas Bharata, Kuril, Sarasvati. "Out of the struggles in which the mi-raton period of the \ ("die stocks vrfefl passed, the Bharatas issued, as we believe we are entitled to suppose the course of events t<. have been, as the possessors of the regions round the Sarasvati and Drishadvati. The weapons of the Bharata princes and the poetical fame of their Kishis may have co-operated to acquire for the cult of the Bharatas the character of universally acknowledged rule, and for the Bharatas a kind of sacral hegemony : hence Agni as friend of the Bharatas, the goddess BharatI, the sacred - ness of the Sarasvati and Drishadvati. "Then came the period, when the countless small stocks of the Samhita age were fused together to form the greater peoples of the Brahmana period. The Bharatas found their place, probably together with their old enemies, the Purus, within the great complex of peoples now in process of formation, the Kurus ; their sacred land now became Kurukshetra." Among those kings who are mentioned in the Maha- bharata (Adi-parva, Chapters 94 and 95) as ancestors and predecessors of Parikshit, the names of the following occur in the Vedic literature. Puru-ravas Aila (Rig- Veda, X. 95 : gat-Br.,IXI.5. 1. 1), Ayu (Rig- Veda I. 53. 10, II. 14. 7, etc.), Yayati Nahushya (R. V., I. 31. 17; X. 63. 1), Puru (R. V., VII. 8. 4 ; 18. 13), Bharata Dauhshanti Saudyumni (Sat. Br., XIII. 5. 4. 11-12), A.jamldha (R. V., IV. 44. 6), Riksha (R. V., VII 1. 68. 15), Kuru (frequently mentioned in the Brahmana lit < r i - ture), Uchchaihs'ravas (Jaiminiya Tpanishad Brahmana III. 29. 1-3), Pratlpa Pratisatvana or Pratisutvana (Atharva Veda, XX. 129. 2), Balhika Pratipiva (Sat. Br., XII. 9. 3. 3), Saihtanu (R. V., X. 98), Dhritai-ohtra Vaiehitravirya i Kathaka Samhii.i. \ <'■). 8 H. C. RAVCHAUDHURI The date of Parikshit is a matter regarding which the Vedic texts supply no direct information. There is however a remarkable verse, found with alight variants in all the historical Puranas, which places his birth 1050 (or 101.') ac- cording to the e Vayu, Vishnu, and Bhagavata Puranas), years before Mahapadma, the first Nanda king of Magadha. Mahapadm-abhishekattu Vavajjanma Parlkshitah Evarh varsha sahasrarhtu Jneyam paiicas'aduttaram. (Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 58.) If, accepting the Ceylonese chronology (Geiger, Malia- vamsa, p. 27), we place the first Nanda twenty-two years before the accession of Chandragupta Maurya, i. e^ in 322 + 22 = 344 B.C., Parikshit's birth must be dated about 1394 B. C. (1359 B. C. according to the e Vayu and Vishnu Puranas). If, on the other hand, we give credence to tin1 testimony of the Vayu Purana (99. 328-329, "Ashtavim- sati varshani prithivim palayishyati," etc.) and take 40 years (Mahapadma, 28 + his sons' 12) to be the reign- period of Nanda and his sons, then Parikshit's birth must be dated about 322+40+1,050=1412 B. C. (1377 B. C. according to the e Vayu and Vishnu Puranas). He is said to have come to the throne 36 years later in 1376 or 1341 B. C. (cf. Mahabharata Maushalaparva, " Shattrims'e tvatha samprapte varshe," etc., and Mahaprasthanikapar- va, "abhishichya svarajye cha rajjinancha Parikshitam.)" It is clear that epic and Pauranic tradition places the accession of Parikshit alcut the middle of the lit li century B. C. Vedic evidence, however, points to a much later date. We shall show in the next chapter that Parikshit's son and successor Janamejav.i avis separated by six generations of teachers from the time of .lanak a and his contemporary Uddalaka Aruni. At the end of POLITICAL histoid 01 INDIA * 9 the Kaushitaki Aranyaka (Adhyaya 15) we find a vam-a or list of the teachers by whom the knowledge contain- ed in that Aranyaka is supposed to have been handed down. The opening words of this list run thus: — " Om ! Now follows the variisa. Adoration to the Brahman. Adoration to the teachers! We have learnt this text from Gunakhya Sankhayana, Gunakhya Sankhayana from Kahola kaushitaki, Kahola Kaushitaki from Uddalaka Aruni." (S. B. E., Vol. XXIX, p. 4.) From the passage quoted above it is clear that Sankhayana was separated by two generations from the time of Uddalaka who was separated by six generations from the time of Janamejaya. Sankhayana, therefore, flourished eight generations after Jana- mejaya, and nine generations after Parikshit. If this Sankhayana (Gunakhya Sankhayana) be identical with the author of the Sankhayana Grihya Sutra he must have been a contemporary of Asvalayana because they mention each other in their respective works. The Prasna Upanishad tells us that Asvalayana was a Kau- salya, i.e., an inhabitant of Kosala, and a contemporary of Kavandhi Katyayana. These facts enable us to identify him with Assalayana of Savattbi mentioned in the Majjhima Nikaya 'II. 147 et seq) as a contemporary of Gotama Buddha and, hence, of Kakuda or Pakudha Kachchayana. Consequently Asvalayana must have lived in the sixth century B.C. If the identification of Gunakhya Sankhayana with the Grihya Sutrakara be correct, then he, too, must have lived in the sixth cen- tury B.C. Professor Rhys Davids in his Buddhist Suttas assigns 150 years to the five Theras from Upali to Mahinda. We may therefore assign 270 years to the nine generations from Parikshit to Sankhayana, and place Parikshit in the ninth century B.C. It is, however, tO H. C. RAYCHAUDHURI possible that Gunakhya S&Akhyayana was not identical with the Grihya Sutrakara (cf. S. B. E. XXIX, pp. 4-5). Parikshit was succeeded on the Kuru throne by his eldest son Janamejaya. The Mahabharata refers to a great snake sacrifice performed by this king. In this connection it is mentioned that the king conquered Taxila. Although a passage of the Panchavimsa Brah- mana connects a Janamejaya with the snake-sacrifice (Vedic Index, I., p. 274), the epic account of the Kuru king's Sarpa-satra cannot be accepted as sober history. But the conquest of Taxila may well be a historical fact, because King Janamejaya is represented as a great con- queror in the Brahmanas. Thus the Aitareya Brahmana says (VIII. 21) " Janamejayah Parikshitah samantam sarvatah prithivim jayan pariyayasvena cha medhyeneje tadesha'bhi yajfia gatha giyate : Asandivati dhanyadam rukminam harita srajam Asvam babandha sarangam devebhyo Janamejaya iti " In another passage of the Aitareya Brahmana (VII 1. 11) it it stated that Janamejaya, aspired to be a "San a- bhumi," i.e., a paramount sovereign — " Evamvidam hi vai ma mevamvida ya javanti tasma- daham jayamyabhitvarim senaxh jayamyabhitvarya senayfi nama divya na mannshya ishava richchhantye shyami sarva mayuh sarva bhumir bhavishvamiti." The Puranas state that Janamejaya performed two horse sacrifices and had a dispute with Vaisampayana and the Brahmanas. The Matsva version, which is considered by Pargiter to be the oldest, says the king made a success- ful stand against them for sometime, but afterwards gave in and, making his son king, departed to the forest ; but the Vayu version has abridged the, verses, and says ln- perished and the Brahmanas made his son kinjj. The Pauranic narrative is strikingly confirmed by the evidence of the Brahmanas. The Satapatha Brahmana refers to one AGE OF T1IK PARIKSHITA * 11 of the horse sacrifices, and says that the priest who per- formed the sacrifice for him was Indroia Daivapi Sauna- ka. The Aitareya Brahmana mentions the other sacrifice and names Tura Kavasheya as his priest. It also con- tains a tale stating that at one sacrifice of his he did not employ the Kasyapas, hut the Bhutaviras. Thereupon a family of the Kasyapas called Asita-mriga forcibly took away the conduct of the offering from the Bhutaviras. We have here probably the germ of the Pauranic stories about Janamejaya's dispute with the Brahmanas. An allusion to this quarrel occurs also in Kautilya's Arthas- astra (Cf. "Kopaj Janamejayo Brahmaneshu vikrantal,i"). The Gopatha Brahmana narrates an anecdote of Janamejaya and two ganders, pointing out the importance of Brahmacharya, and the time which should be devoted to it. The story is absurd, but it shows that Janamejaya was already looked upon as an ancient hero in the time of the Gopatha Brahmana. The Ramayana also refers to Janamejaya as a great king of the past (II. (H.42). Janamejaya's capital according to a gatha quoted in the ^atapatha and Aitareya Brahmanas was As mdivant, probably identical with the famous city of Hastinapuia mentioned not only in the Mahabharata, but also in the Ramayana, 11.68.13, and the Ashtadhyayi of Panini, VI. 2. L01. The gatha has been quoted above in connection with the king's conquests. Its meaning is given below : — u In Asandivat Janamejaya bound for the gods a black-spotted, grain-eating liorse, adorned with a golden ornament and with yellow- garlands. " (Ejrgelinp, Sat. Br., V, p. 39f>}. The palace of Janamejaya is referred to in the following passage of the &atapatha Brahmana : — "Even as they constantly sprinkle the equal prize-winning steeds so (they pour out) the cups full of fiery liquor in the palace of Jan- amejaya." (Il.i.l. J.96.) 12 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA It was at the court of Janamejaya that Vaisampayana is said to have related the story of the great struggle be- tween the Kurus and the Paribus. No direct independent proof of this war is forthcoming, but a dim allusion to the battle of Kurukshetra is probably contained in the follow- ing verse of the Chhandogya Upanishad (VI.17.9). Yato yata avartate tad tad gachchhati inanavnh Kurun as'vabhirakshati. This gatha has been referred to by Hopkins (The Great Epic of India, p 385). It may be asserted that the Pandus are a body of strangers unknown to the Vedic texts, and that therefore the story of their feuds with the Kurus must be post- Vedic. But such a conclusion would be wrong because, firstly, an argumentum ex silentio is always a weak argu- ment, and, secondly, the Pandus are not a body of strangers but are scions of the Kurus. Hopkins indeed, says that they were an unknown folk connected with the wild tribes located north of the Ganges (the Religions of India, p. 388). But Patanjali calls Bhlma, Nakula and Sahadeva Kurus (Ind. Ant. I. p. 350). Hindu tradition is unanimous in representing the Pandavas as an offshoot of the Kuru race. The testimony of Buddhist literature points to the same conclusion. In the Dasa-Brahmana Jataka (Jataka No. 495) a king " of the stock of Yuddhitthila" reigning " in the kingdom of Kuru and the city called Indapatta * is distinctly called " Koravx a i. e., Kauravya — " belonging to the Kuru race." Already in the time of Asvalayana's Grihya Sutra (III. 1) Vaisampayana was known as Mahabharatac liana. Vaisampayana is also mentioned in the Taittiriya Aran- yaka (I. 7. 5) and the Ashtadhyayi of Panini (IV. 3. 104). Whether Vaisampayana was a contemporary of Janamejaya or not, cannot be ascertained at the pre a<;k OK THK PAKIKSHH\- 13 moment. But I have found nothing in the Vedic litera- ture itself which goes against the epic tradition. The early Vedic texts no doubt make no reference to the Mahabharata, but they mention " Itihasas " (A. V. XV. 6. 11-12). It is well known that the story recited by Vaisampayana to Janamejaya was at first called an Itihasa and was named " Java " or victory, i. e., victory of the Pandus, the ancestors of the king. " Muchyate sarva papebhyo Rah una Chandrama yatha Jayo nametihciso'yam srotavyo vijigishuna " (Mbh. Adi. 62. 20). Janamejaya's brothers, Bhimasena, Ugrasena and $ru- tasena appear in the Satapatha Brahmana (XIII 5. A. 3) and the ^ankhayana $rauta Sutra (XVI. 9. 7) as performers of the horse-sacrifice. In the Bfihadaranyaka Upani- shad the question whither they have gone is made the subject of a philosophical discussion. It is clear that the Parikshitas had passed away before the time of the Upanishad, and it is also clear that there had been some serious scandal mingled with their greatness which they had atoned for by their horse-sacrifice. The ^atapatha Brahmana quotes a gatha which says : — " The righteous Parikshitas, performing horse sacri- fices, by their righteous work did away with sinful work one after another." The Puranas state that Janamejaya was succeeded by Satanika. Satanika's son and successor was Asvame- dhadatta. From Asvamedhadatta was born Adhisima- krishna. Adhisimakrishna's son was Nichakshu. During king Nichakshu's reign the city of Hastinapura is Bai 1 to have been carried away by the Ganges, and the king is said to have transferred his capital to Kausambl (Par- giter, Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 5). 14 POLITICAL HISTOIIY OF INDIA The Vedic texts do not refer to any of these succes- sors of Janamejaya. The Rigveda no doubt mentions a king namedAsvamedha (V. 27. 4-6), but there is nothing to show that he is identical with As'vamedhadatta. A datantka Satrajita is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana and the Satapatha Brahmana as a irreat king who defeated Dhritarashtra, the prince of Kasi, and took away hi^ sacrificial horse. He was probably a Bharata, but the patronymic Satrajita indicates that he was different from Satanika the son of Janamejaya. The Panchaviihsa Brahmana, Jaiminiya Upanishad Brahmana and the Chhandogya Upanishad mention a Kuru king named Abhipratarin Kakshaseni who was a contemporary of Giri- kshit Auchchamanyava, Saunaka Kapeya, and Driti Ain- drota. As Driti Aindrota was the son and pupil of In- drota Daivapa Saunaka the priest of Janamejaya (Vams'a Brahmana; Vedic Index, Vol. I, pp. 27, 373), Abhipratarin. son of Kakshasena, appears to have been one of the imme- diate successors of Janamejaya. We have already seen that Kakshasena appears in the Mahabharata (I. 94* 1 as the name of a brother of Janamejaya. Abhipratarin was thus Janamejaya's nephew. The Aitareya Brahmana and the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra (XV. 10. 10-13) refer to a prince named Vriddhadyumna Abhipratarina, appar- ently the son of Abhipratarin. The Aitareya Brahmana (Trivedi's translation, pp. 322-323) mentions his son Rathagritsa and priest Suchivriksha Gaupalayana. The Saiikhayana Srauta Sutra informs us that Vriddhadyum- na erred in a sacrifice, when a Brahmana prophesied that the result would be the expulsion of the Kurus from Kurukshetra, an event which actually came to pass. The Chhandogya Upanishad refers to the devastation of the crops in the Kuru country by Matacht (hailstones or locusts) and the enforced departure of Ushasti Chakravana k&B OF THE PARIKSH1TA- 1? a contemporary of Janaka of Videha (Brihad. Dj.and his HI, 4). - The evidence of the Vedic texts and that of the Puranas can be reconciled if we assume that, after the death of Janamejaya, the Kuru kingdom was split up into two parts. One part, which had its capital at Hastinapura. was ruled by the direct descendants of Janamejaya himself. The other part was ruled by the descendants of his brother Kakshasena. The junior branch probably resided at Indraprastha or Indapatta which probably continued to be the seat of a race of kings belonging to the Yuddhitthila gotta (Yudhishthira gotra), long after the destruction of Hastinapura, and the removal of the main line of Kuru kings to Kausambi. All our authorities agree that during the rule of Janamejaya's successors great calamities befell the Kurus. Large sections of the people, including one of the reigning princes, were forced to leave the country, and to migrate to the eastern part of India. The transference of the royal seat of the Kuru or Bharata dynasty to Kausambi is proved by the evidence of Bhasa. Udayana king of Kausambi is described in the Svapnavasavadatta (ed. Ganapati $astri, p. 138) as a scion of the Bharata family : — Bharatanam kule jato vinito jnanavanchhuchi Tanniirhasi baladdhartum rajadharmasya desikah. Genealogy of the Parikshita Family. Parikshk I I I*' Janamejaya Kakshasena I grasena orutasenii Bhtmasena * I ! Sataiitka Abhipratarin I I ABvamedhadatta \ riddhadyunina I I Adhisimakfislina Uathagritba I Kichakshu Kintfd "f KiiuAlnibl Kings of Indapatta (r) u pOLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Thp The A.ge of the Great Janaka. p» We have seen that a series of calamities sadly crip- pled the Kurus ; and the king of Hastinapura had to leave the country. During the age which followed the Kurus played a minor part in politics. The most notable figure of the succeeding age was Janaka the famous king of Videha. That the great Janaka was later than the Parikshitas admits of no doubt. We shall show later that he was a contemporary probably of Nichakshu, and certainly of Ushasti Chakrayana during whose time disaster befell the Kurus. In Janaka's time we find the prosperity, the sin, the expiation and the fall of the Parikshitas apparently still fresh in the memory of the people and discussed as a subject of controversy in the royal court of Mithila. In the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad we find a rival of Yajiiavalkya, the ornament of the court of Janaka, testing him with a question, the solution of which the former had previously obtained from a Gandharva who held in his possession the daughter of Kapya Patafichala of the country of the Madras : — " Kva Parikshita bhavan " (Brihad Upanishad, III, 3. 1) whither have the Parikshitas gone ? The solution of which therefore appears to have been looked upon as extremelv difficult. Yajiiavalkya answers : " Thither where all As'vamedha sacrificers go.'' Consequently the Parikshitas (sons of Parikshit) must at that time have been extinct. Yet their life and end must have been still fresh in the memory of the people, and a subject of general curiosity. It is not possible to determine with precision the exact chronological relation between Jananiojaya and Janaka. Epic and Pauranic tradition seems to regard them as contemporaries. Thus the Malmbharata says that AGE OF TIIK (JKKAT .1 AXAkA 17 Uddalaka (a prominent figure of kanaka's court; and his son &vetaketu attended the Sarpa-satra of Janamejaya : — Sadasya s'chabhavad Vyasah putra sishya sahayavan Uddiilakah Pramatakah Svetaketuscha Pingalal) (Mbh., Adi., 53. 7.) The Vishnupurfina says that Satanika, the son and successor of Janamejaya, learned the Vedas from Yajiia- valkya (Vishnu, P. IV. 21. 2). The unreliability of the epic and Pauranic tradition in this respect is proved by the evidence of the Vedic texts. "We learn from the Satapatha Brahmana (XIII. 5, 4, 1) that Indrota Daivapi or Daivapi Saunaka was a contemporary of Janamejaya. His pupil was Driti Aindrota or Aindroti according to the Jaiminiya Upanishad and Varhsa Brahmanas. Driti's pupil was Pulusha Prachinayogya (Vedic Index, II, p. 9). The latter taught Paulushi Satyayajna. We learn from the Chhandogya Upanishad (V. 11. 1-2) that Paulushi Satyayajna was a contemporary of Budila Asvatara^ i and of Uddalaka Aruni, two prominent figures of Janaka's Court (vide Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, V. 14. 8. " Janako Vaideho Budilam Asvatarasvim uvacha " ; and III. 7. 1). Satyayajna was therefore certainly a contemporary of Janaka of Videha. He was an elder contemporary because his pupil Somas'ushma Satyayajni Prachinayogya is men- tioned in the Satapatha Brahmana (XT. 6, 2, 1-3) as having met Janaka. As Satyayajni certainly flourished long after Indrota Daivapi Saunaka, his contemporary Janaka must be considerably later than Janamejaya the contemporary of Indrota. We should also note that, in the lists of teachers uiven at the end of the tenth book of the Satapatha Brahmana, and the sixth chapter of the Brihadaranyaka I'panishad, Turn Kavasheya, the priest of Janamejaya, appears as a very ancient sage who was eleventh in the ascending line IS POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA from Saiijiviputra, whereas Yajiiavalkya, the contemporary of Janaka, was only fifth in the ascending line from the same teacher. We quote the lists below : — Janamejaya Tura Kavasheya Yajnavachas Rajastambayana Kusri •Sandilya Vatsya Vamakakshayana Mahitthi Yajiiavalkya Janaka Kautsa Asuri Mandavya Asurayana Mandukayani Prasniputra Asurivasin Sanjiviputra Sanjivtputra It is clear from what has been stated above that Janaka was separated by five or six generations from Jana- mejaya's time. Prof. Rhys Davids in his Buddhist Suttas (Introduction, p. xlvii) adduces good grounds for assigning a period of about 150 years to the five Theras from Upali to Mahinda. If the five Theras are assigned a period of 150 years, the five or six teachers from Indrota to Somas'ushma, and from Tura to Vamakakshayana, the teacher of Mahitthi the contemporary of Yftjnavalkya and Janaka, must be assigned 150 or 180 years. It is therefore reasonable to think that Janaka flourished about 150 or 180 years after Janamejaya, and two centuries after Parikshit. If, following the Puranas, we place Parik- shit in the fourteenth century B.C., we must place Janaka in the twelfth century. If, on the other hand, accepting the identification of Guuakhya Sankhayana with the author of the &ankhayana Grihya Sutra, we place Parikshit in the ninth century B.C., then we must place Janaka in the seventh century B.C. The kingdom of Yideha, over which Janaka ruled, cor- responds roughly to the modern Tirhut in Bihar. It AGE OF THE GREAT JANAKA 19 was separated from Kosala by the river Sadanlra, prol)ab- ly the modern Gandak which, rising in Nepal, flows into the Ganges opposite Patna (Vedic Index, II. 299). Olden- berg, however, points out (Buddha, p. 398 n.) that the Mahiibharata distinguishes the Gandakt from the Sadanlra " Gandakliicha Mahasonam Sadanlraiii tathaivacha." Pargiter identifies the Sadanlra with the Rapti. UV learn from the Suruchi Jataka (489) that the measure of the whole kingdom of Videha was three hundred leagues. It consisted of 16,000 villages (J. 406). Mithila, the capital of Videha, is not mentioned in the Vedic texts, but is constantly mentioned in the Jatakas and the epics. It is stated in the Suruchi Jataka that the city covered seven leagues. We have the following description of Mithila in the Mahajanaka Jataka (CowelFs Jataka, Vol. VI, p. 30). By architects with rule and line laid out in order fair to see, With walls and gates and battlements, traversed by streets on every side, With horses, cows and chariots thronged with tanks and gardens beautified, Videha's far famed capital, gay with its knights and warrior swarms, Clad in their robes of tiger-skins, with banners spread and flashing arms, Its Brahmins dressed in Kaci cloth, perfumed with sandal, decked with gems, Its palaces and all their queens with robes of state and diadems. According to the Bamayana (1.71.3) the royal family of Mithila was founded by a king named Nimi. His son was Mithi, and Mithi's son was Janaka I. The epic then continues the genealogy to Janaka TI (father of Stta) and 4 20 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA his brother Kusadhvaja, King of Sankasya. The Vayu (88, 7-8 ; 89, 3-4) and the Vishnu (IV.5.1) Puranas re- present Nimi or Nemi as a son of Ikshvaku, and give him the epithet Videha (Sasapena Vasishthasya Videhah samapadyata — Vayu P.) His son was Mithi whom both the Puranas identify with . Janaka I. The genealogy is then continued to Stradhvaja who is called the father of Sita, and is therefore identical with Janaka II of the Ramayana. Then starting from Siradhvaja the Puranas carry on the dynasty to its close. The last king is named Kriti, and the family is called Janakavamsa. Dhritestu Vahulasvo bhud Vahulasva sutah Kritifr Tasmin santishthate vamso Janakanam mahatmanam Vayu Purana (89, 23). The Vedic texts know a king of Videha named Nam! Sapya (Vedic Index, 1.436). But he is nowhere repre- sented as the founder of the dynasty of Mithila. On the contrary, a story of the ^atapatha Brahmana seems to indicate that the Videha kingdom was founded by Videgha Mathava (Ved. Ind., II. 298 ; gat. Br. 1. 4. 1, etc ; Olden- berg's Buddha, pp. 398-399. Pargiter, J.A.S.B. 1897, p. 87. et seq.), Videgha Mathava, whose family priest was Gotama Rahiigana, wTas at one time on the Sarasvati. Agni Vaisvanara thence went burning along this earth towards the east, followed by Mathava and his priest, till he came to the river Sadanira which flows from the northern mountain, and which he did not burn over. This river Brahmanas did not cross in former times, thinking " it has not been burnt over by Agni Vais'vanara. " At that time the land to the westward was very uncul- tivated, and marshy, but at the time of Mathava's arrival many Brahmanas were there, and it was highly cultivated, for the Brahmanas had caused Agni to taste it through sacrifices. Mathava the Videgha then said to Agni, " where AGK OF THE GREAT JANAKA 21 am I to abide ? " " To the east of this river be thy abode," he replied. Even now, the writer of the Satapatha Brahmana adds, this forms the boundary between the Kosalas and the Videhas. The name of the second king in the epic and the Pauranic lists, Mithi Vaideha, is reminiscent of Mathava Videgha. If Mathava Videgha was the founder of the royal line of Mithila, Nimi, Nemi or Nami must be a later king of Videha. In the Nimi Jataka, Nimi is said to have been born to "round off" the royal house of Mithila, "the family of hermits." The combined evidence of Vedic and Buddhist texts thus shows that Nimi was not the first, but probably one of the later kings. The Majjhima Nikaya (11.74-83) and the Nimi Jataka men- tion Makhadeva as the progenitor of the kings of Mithila. As the entire dynasty of Maithila kings was called Janaka vamsa (Vamso Janakanam mahatmanam), and there were several kings bearing the name of Janaka, it is very difficult to identify any of these with the great Janaka of the Vedic texts. But there is one fact which favours his identification with Siradhvaja of the Pauranic list, i.e., the father of Sita. The father of Sita is, in the Bamayana, a younger contemporary of Asvapati king of the Kekayas (maternal grand-father of Bharata, Bamayana, II. 9. 22). Janaka of the Vedic texts is also a contemporary of Asvapati, prince of the Kekayas, as Uddalaka Aruni and Bndila Asvatarasvi frequented the courts of both these princes (Ved. Ind., II. 69 ; Chh. Up., V. 11. 1-4; Brih. Up.. III. 7). It is more difficult to identify our Janaka with any of the kings of that name mentioned in the Buddhist Jatakas. Prof. Rhys Davids (Bud. Ind., p. 26) seems to identify him with Maha-Janaka of the Jataka No. 559. The utterance of Maha-Janaka TI of that Jataka : 22 POLITICAL HTSTORY OF INDIA 1 Mithila's palaces may burn But naught of mine is burned thereby ' indeed reminds us of the great philosopher-king. In the Mahabharata (xii. 219.50) we find the same saying attributed to a king of Mithila. A pi cha bhavati Maithilena gitam Nagaramupahitam agninabhivlkshya Na khalu mamahidahyate'tra kinchit Svayam idamaha kila sma bhumipalah. The name of the king is given as Janaka(xii. 17. 18-19). In the Jaina Uttaradhyayana the saying is attributed to Nami (8. B. E., XLV. 37). This fact coupled with the mention of Nemi in juxtaposition with Arish^a in the Vishnu Purana (IV. 5. 13) probably points to the identi- fication of Nam! or Nemi with Maha-Janaka II who is represented in the Jataka as the son of Arittha. If Maha- Janaka II was identical with Nami, he cannot be identified with Janaka who is clearly distinguished from Nami in the Vedic texts. It is tempting to identify the Vedic Janaka with Maha-Janaka I of the Jataka. In the Satapatha Brahmanaand in the Bjihadaranyaka Upanishad Janaka is called " Samraf This shows that he was a greater personage than a " Rajan." Although there is no trace in the Vedic literature of the use of the word " Samraj " as Emperor in the sense of an overlord of kings, still the Satapatha Brahmana distinctly says that the Samraj was a higher authority than a " Rajan " ; " by offering the Rajasuya he becomes king, and by the Vajapeya he becomes Samraj ; and the ofncr of king is the lower, and that of Samraj the higher" (Sat. Br.. \ 1.1.13; XII. 8. 3. 4; XIV. 1.3.8). In Avil.vana &rauta-Sutra X. 3. 14 Janaka is mentioned as a great sacriticer. \<;E OF THE GREAT JANAK \ 23 The court of Janaka was thronged with Brahmmias from Kosala and the Kuril- Paiichala countries (e.g., Asvala, Jaratkjirava Artabhaga, Bhujyu Lahyayani, Ushasta Chakrayana, Kahoda Kaushltakeya, Gargt Vachaknavi, Uddalaka Aruni, Vidagdha Sakalya). The tournaments of argument which were here held form a prominent feature in the third book of the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad. The hero of these was Yajnavalkya Vaja- saneya, who was a pupil of Uddalaka Aruni. Referring to Janaka's relations with the Kuru-Panchala Brahmanas Oldenberg says (Buddha, p. 398) " The king of the east, who has a leaning to the culture of the west, collects the celebrities of the west at his court — much as the intellects of Athens gathered at the court of Macedonian princes." The Brahmanas and the Upanishads throw some light on the political condition of northern Tndia during the age of Janaka. From those works we learn that, besides Videha, there were nine states of considerable importance, viz : 1. Gandhara 2. Kekaya 3. Madra 4. Usinara 5. Matsya 6. Kuru 7. Paiichala 8. Kasi 9. Kosala Gandhara included the north-western part of the Panjab and the adjoining portions of the N. W. Frontier Province (Ramayana vii. 113. 11 ; 114. 11 ; Sindhorubha- yatah Parsve). We learn from the Mahabharata (XII. 207.43) that it formed a part of Uttarapatha : — Uttarapathajanmanah kirtayishyami tfin api Yauna Kamboja Gandharali Kirata Barbarai^ saha. 24 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA We learn from the epic and Pauranic literature that Gandhara contained two great cities, viz., Takshasila and Pushkaravati. Gandhara vishaye siddhe, tayoh pur van mahatmanoh Takshasya dikshu vikhyata ramya Takshasila purl Pushkarasyapi virasya vikhyata Pushkaravati. (Vayu Purana 88. 189-190. Cf. Ramayana vii. 114. 11). The remains of Takshasila or Taxila are situated imme- diately to the east and north-east of Saraikala, a junction on the railway, twenty miles north-west of Rawalpindi. The valley in which they lie is watered by the Haro river. Within this valley and. within three and a half miles of each other are the remains of three distinct cities. The southernmost and oldest of these occupies an elevated plateau, known locally as Bhirmound (Marshall, A Guide to Taxila, pp. 1-4). Pushkaravati or Pushkalavati (Prakrit Pukkalaoti, whence the Peucelaotis of Arrian) is represented by the modern Prang and Charsadda, 17 miles N. E. of Peshawar, on the Suwat river (Schoff, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, pp. 183-184 ; Foucher, Gandhara, p. 11). Gandhara is a later form of the name of the people called Gandhari in the Rig Veda and the Atharva Veda. In the Kig Veda (i. 126.7) the good wool of the sheep of the Gandharis is referred to. In the Atharva Veda (v. 22.14) the Gandharis are mentioned with the Muja- vants, apparently as a despised people. In later times the ' angle of vision ' of the men of the Madhyadesa changed, and Gandhara became the resort of scholars of all classes who nocked to its capital for instructions in the three Vedas and the eighteen branches of knowledge. In a significant passage of the Chhandogya Upanishad (VI. 14) Uddalaka Aruni mentions Gandhara to illustrate AGE OF THE GREAT JANAKA >(j the desirability of having a duly qualified teacher from whom a pupil " learns (his way) and thus remains liberated (from all world ties) till he attains (the Truth, Moksha)." A man who attains Moksha is compared to a blind-folded person who reaches at last the country of Gandhara. We quote the entire passage below : " Yatha somya purusham Gandharebhyo' bhinaddha- ksham aniya tarn tato'tijane visrijet, sa yatha tatra pran va udan vadharan va pratyan va pradhmayita — abhinad- dhaksha anito' bhinaddhaksho visrishtalj. Tasya yatha- bhinahanam pramuchya prabruyadetam disam Gandhara etam dis'am vrajeti. Sa gramad gramam prichchhan pandito medhavi Gandharanevopasampadyeta, evameve- hacharyavan purusho veda." " O my child, in the world when a man with blind- folded eyes is carried away from Gandhara and left in a lonely-place, he makes the east and the north and the west resound by crying ' I have been brought here blind- folded, I am here left blind-folded. ' Thereupon (some kind-hearted man) unties the fold on his eyes and says 1 This is the way to Gandhara ; proceed thou by this way.' The sensible man proceeds from village to village, en- quiring the way and reaches at last the (province) of Gandhara. Even thus a man who has a duly qualified teacher learns (his way)."1 The full import of the illustration becomes apparent when we remember that the Uddalaka Jataka (No. 487) represents Uddalaka as having journeyed to Takshas'ila (Takkasila) and learnt there of a world-renowned teacher. The Setaketu Jataka (No. 377) says that Setaketu, son of Uddalaka, went to Takshasila and learned all the arts. The Satapatha Brahmana mentions the fact that Uddalaka Aruni used to drive about (dhavayam chakara) amongst 1 Dr. U. L. Mitra's translation of the ChbSudogya Upanishad, p. 114. 26 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA the people of the northern country (Sat. Br. xi. 4. 1. 1, et seq.). It is stated in the Kaushltaki Brahmana (vii. 6) that Brahmanas used to go to the north for purposes of study. The Jataka stories are full of references to the fame of Takshasila as a university town. Panini, himself a native of Gandhara, refers to the city in sutra iv. 3. 93. The Kekay Malava 13. Kasi c» Achchha 14. Kosala 7. Vaclichha (Vatsa) 15. Avaha 8. Kocbcbba (Kachchha ?) 16. Sambhuttara (Sumhot tara ?) It will be seen that Anga, Magadha, Vatsa, Vajji, Kasi, and Kosala are common to both the lists. Malava of the Bhagavati is probably identical with Avanti of the Anguttara. Moli is probably a corruption of Malla. The other states mentioned in the Bhagavati are new, and indicate a knowledge of the far east and the £ar south of India. The more extended horizon of the Bhagavati clearlv proves that its list is later than the one given in the Buddhist Anguttara. We shall therefore accept the Buddhist list as a correct representation of the political condition of India after the fall of the House of Janaka. Of the sixteen Mahajanapadas Kasi was probably at first the most powerful. We have already seen that Kasi probably played a prominent part in the subversion of the Videhan monarchy. Several Jatakas bear witness to the superiority of its capital Benares over the other cities, and the imperial ambition of its rulers. The Guttila Jataka (No. 243) says that the city of Benares is the chief city in all India. It extended over twelve leagues S XTEEN MAHAJANAPADAS 47 ( " dvadasayojanikam sakala Bariinasinagaram " — Sam- bhava Jataka, No. 515 ; Sarabha-miga J. 483 ; Bhuridatta J. 543) whereas Mithila and Indapatta were each only seven leagues in extent (Suruchi J. 489 : Vidhurapandita J. 545). Several Kasi monarchs are described as aspirants for the dignity of " sabbarajunam aggaraja," and lord of sakala- Jambudtpa (Bhaddasala Jataka, 465 ; Dhonasakha Jataka 353). The Mahavagga also mentions the fact that Kasi was a great realm in former times : " Bhutapubbam bhikkhave Baranasiyam Brahmadatto naraa Kasiraja ahosi addho mahaddhano Mababhogo mahabbalo mahavahano mahavijito paripunnakosa kot- thagaro." (Mahavagga X. 2. 3 } Vinaya Pitakam I. 342.) The Jainas also afford testimony to the greatness of Kasi, and represent Asvasena, king of Benares, as the father of their Tirthakara Parsva who is said to have died 250 years before Mahavira, i.e., in 777 B.C. Already in the Brahmana period a king of Kasi named Dhritarashtra attempted to offer a horse sacrifice, but was defeated by Satrajita ^atanika with the result that the Kasis. down to the time of the ^atapatha Brahmana, gave up the kindling of the sacred fire (Sat. Br., XIII. 5. 4. 19). Some of the other Kasi monarchs were more fortunate. Thus in the Brahachatta Jataka (No. 336) a king of Benares is said to have gone against the king of Kosala with a large army. He entered the city of Savatthi and took the king prisoner. The Kosambi Jataka (No. 428), the Kunala Jataka (No. 536) and the Mahavagga (S.B.E., Vol. XIII, pp. 294-299) refer to the annexation of the kingdom of Kosala by the Brahmadattas of Kasi. The Assaka Jataka (No. 207) refers to the city of Potali, the capital of Assaka in Southern India, as a city of the kingdom of Kasi. Evidently the reigning prince of Potali was a vassal of the sovereign of Kasi. In the Sona-Nanda 48 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Jataka (No. 532) Manoja, king of Benares, is said to have subdued the kings of Kosala, Aiiga, and Magadha. In the Mahabharata (XIII. 30) Pratardana king of Kas'i, is said to have crushed the power of the Vitahavyas or Haihavn-. In the absence of corroborative evidence it is difficult to say how far the account of the achievements of individual kings, mentioned in the Jatakas and the epic, is authentic. But the combined testimony of many Jatakas and the Mahavagga clearly proves that Kasi was at one time a stronger power than many of its neighbours including Kosala. Prof. Bhandarkar has pointed out that several Kasi monarchs, who figure in the Jatakas, are also mentioned in the Puranas, e.g., Vissasena of Jataka No. 268, Udaya, of Jataka No. 458, and Bhallatiya of Jataka No. 504 are mentioned in the Puranas as Vishvakasena, Udakasena, and Bhallata (Matsya 49. 57 et seq. ; Vayu 99. 180 et seq. ; Vishnu IV. 19. 13). We know from the Bhojajaniya Jataka (No. 23) that " all the kings round coveted the kingdom of Benares." We are told that on one occasion seven kings encompassed Benares (Jataka, 181). Benares in this respect resembled ancient Babylon and mediaeval Rome, being the coveted prize of its more warlike but less civilized neighbours. The kingdom of Kosala was bounded on the west by Panchala, on the south by the Sarpika or Syandika (Sai) river (Ram II. 49.11-12 ; 50. 1), on the east by the Sadanira which separated it from Videha, and on the north by the Nepal hills. Roughly speaking, it corresponds to the modern Oudh. It included the territory of the Sakyas of Kapilavastu. In the Sutta Nipata (S.B.E., X, Part II, 68-69) Buddha says " just beside Himavanta there lives a people endowed with the power of wealth, the inhabi- tants of Kosala. They are Adichchas by family, Sakiyas by birth; from that family I have wandered out, not SIXTEEN MAHAJANAPADAS 49 longing for sensual pleasures." This passage leaves no room for doubt that the Sakiyas or $akyas were included among the inhabitants of Kosala. If any doubt is still entertained it is set at rest by Pasenadi's words recorded in the Majjhima Nikaya (II. 124) : " Bhagava pi khattiyo, aham pi khattiyo, Bhagava pi Kosalako, aham pi Kosalako, Bhagava pi asitiko, aham pi asitiko." Kosala proper contained three important cities, namely, Ayodhya, Saketa and Savatthi or Sravasti. Ayodhya (Oudh) was a town on the river Sarayu. Saketa is often supposed to be the same as Ayodhya, but Prof. Rhys Davids points out that both cities are men- tioned as existing in the Buddha's time. They were possibly adjoining like London and "Westminster. Savatthi is the great ruined city on the south bank of the Rapt! called Saheth-Maheth which is situated on the borders of the Gonda and Bahraich districts of the United Provinces. In the story of the spread of Aryan culture told in the Satapatha Brahmana the Kosalas appear as falling later than the Kuru Panchalas, but earlier than the Videhas, under the influence of Brahmanical civilisation. In the Ramayana and in the Puranas the royal family of Kosala is represented as being descended from a king named Ikshvaku. Branches of this family are represented as ruling at Vis'ala or Vaisali (Ramayana I. 47. 11-12), at Mithila (Vayu. P. 89. 3) and at Kusinara (The Kusa Jataka No. 531). A prince named Ikshvaku is mentioned in a passage of the Rig Veda (X. 60. 4). In the Atharva Veda (XIV. 39. 9) either Ikshvaku, or one of his descendants, is referred to as an ancient hero. The Puranas give lists of kings of the Aikshvaka dynasty from Ikshvaku himself to Prasenajit, the 50 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA contemporary of Bimbisara. Many of these kings are mentioned in the Vedic literature. For example : — Mandhatri Yuvan£s'va (Vayu, 88. 67) is mentioned in the Gopatha Brahmana (I. 2. 10 et seq.). Purukutsa (Vayu, 88. 72) is mentioned in the Rig Veda (I. 63. 7 ; 112. 7. 14 ; 174. 2. VI. 20. 10). In the ^atapatha Brahmana (XIII. 5. 4. 5) he is called an Aikshvaka. Trasadasyu (Vayu 88. 74) is mentioned in the Rig Veda (IV. 38. 1 ; VII. 19. 3, etc.) Tryaruna (Vayu 88. 77) is mentioned in the Rig Veda (V. 27). In the Panchavimsa Brahmana (XIII. 3. 12) he is called an Aikshvaka. Trisanku (Vayu 88. 109) is mentioned in the Taittirl- ya Upanishad (I. 10. 1). Harischandra (Vayu 88. 117) is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana (VII. 13. 16) and is styled Aikshvaka, Rohita, the son of Haris'chandra (Vayu 88. 119) is also mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana (VII. 14). Bhagiratha (Vayu 88. 167) is mentioned in the Jaiminiya Upanishad Brahmana (IV. 6. 12) and is called Aikshvaka. Ambarisha (Vayu 88. 171) is mentioned in the Rig Veda (I. 100. 17). Rituparna (Vayu 88. 173) is mentioned in a Brfih- mana-like passage of the Baudhayana Srauta Sutra (XX. 12). llama (Vayu 88. 185) may be the person of the same name mentioned in the Rig Veda (X 93. 14). But Rama in the Vedic passage is not connect- ed with either the Ikshvaku family or with Kosala. SIXTEEN MAHAJANAPADAS 61 Hiranyanabha Kausalya (Vayu, 88. 207), is mention- ed in the Pras'na Upanishad, VI. 1 and the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, XVI. 9. 13. He is probably connected with Para Atnara Hai- ranyanabha, the Kosala king mentioned in a gatha occurring in the Satapatha Brahmana, Xllf . 5. 4. 4. According to the Pras'na Upani- shad Hiranyanabha was a contemporary of Sukesa Bharadvaja (VI. 1) who was himself a contemporary of Kausalya Asvalayana (Prasna I. 1). If it be true, as seems probable, that As'valayana of Kosala is identical with Assala- yana of Savatthi mentioned in the Majjhima Nikaya (IT. 147 et seq.) as a contemporary of Gotama Buddha, he must be placed in the sixth century B.C. Consequently Hiranyanabha, too, must have lived in that century. The patronymic " Hairanyanabha " of Para Atnara probably indicates that he was a son of Hiranyanabha. Some of the later princes of the Pauranic list (e.g. Sakya, Suddhodana, Siddhartha, Rahula and Prase- najit) are mentioned in Buddhist texts. The relations of Hiranyanabha with Prasenajit who also flourished in the six+h century B.C., will be discussed in a later chapter. It is clear from the facts mentioned above that the Pauranic lists contain names of real kings and princes. But they have many glaring defects. (1) Branches of the Ikshvaku family ruling over different territories have been mixed together, e.g., Trasadasyu, king of the Pttrus (Rig Veda, IV. 38. 1 ; VII. 19. 3), Kituparna, king of $aphala (Baud. Srauta Sutra, XX. 12), Suddhodana of Kapilavastu and Prasenajit, king of Sravasti, have been mentioned in such away as to leave 8 52 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA the impression that they formed a continuous line of princes who ruled in regular succession. (2) Contemporaries have been represented as succes- sors and collaterals have been represented as lineal descendants, e.g., Prasenajit, king of $ravastl, is represented as the lineal successor of Siddhartha, and Rahula, though he was actually a contemporary of Siddhar- tha, and belonged to a different branch of the Ikshvaku family. (3) Certain names have been omitted, e.g., Para Atnara and Mahakosala. (4) The name of Siddhartha (Buddha), who never ruled, has b © en included. It is not easy to find out all the kings of the Pauranic list who actually ruled over Kosala. The names of some of the earlier kings of the Pauranic Kst, e.g., Purukutsa, Trasadasyu, Harischandra, Rohita, Rituparna and a few others, are omitted from the dynastic list of the kings of Ayodhya given in the Ramayana (I. 70). We know from the Vedic literature that most, if not all, of these princes ruled over territories lying outside Kosala. The only kings or Rajas mentioned in the Pauranic list who are known from Vedic and early Buddhist texts to have reigned in Kosala, or over some part of it, are Hiranyanabha, Prasenajit and Suddhodana. The Vedic texts mention another king named Para Atnara. The Buddhist works mention a few other kings of Kosala, but their names do not occur in the epic and Pauranic lists. Some of these kings had their capital at Ayodhya, others at Sake ta, and the rest at Sravastt. Of the princes of Ayodhya the Ghata Jataka (No. 451) mentions Kalasena. A Kosalaraja reigning in Saketa is mentioned in the Nandiyamiga Jataka (No. 385). Vanka, Mahakosala and many others had their capital at Savatthi or Sravastt. Ayodhya seems to have been the SIXTEEN iMAHAJANAPADAS 53 earliest capital, and Saketa the next. The last capital was ^ravastl. Ayodhya had sunk to the level of an unimportant town in Buddha's time (Buddhist India, p. 34), but Saketa and Sravastl were included among the six great cities of India (Mahaparinibbana Sutta, S.B.E. XI, p. 99). We learn from the Mahavagga (S.B.E., XVII, p. 294) that during the period of the earlier Brahmadattas of Kasi, Kosala was a small realm. (Dighiti nama Kosalaraja ahosi daliddo appadhano appabhogo appabalo appavahano appavijito aparipunnakosakotthagaro). In the seventh and sixth centuries B.C. Kosala was a mighty kingdom which contended first with Kasi, and afterwards with Magadha for the mastery of the Madhyadesa. The history of its struggles with Kasi is reserved for treatment in a later chapter. The rivalry with Magadha ended in the absorption of the kingdom into the Magadhan Empire. Anga was the country to the east of Magadha. It was separated from the latter kingdom by the river Champa. The Anga dominions, however, at one time included Magadha and extended to the shores of the sea. The Vidhura Pandita Jataka (No. 545) describes Rajagriha as a city of Ansra. The &anti Parva of the Mahabharata (29.35) refers to an Anga king who sacrificed on Mount Vishnupada at Gaya. The Sabha-parva (44.9) mentions Anga and Vanga as forming one Vishaya or kingdom. The Katha-sarit-sagara says that Vitankapur, a city of the Angas, was situated on the shore of the sea (Tawney, Katha-sarit-sagara, II, ch. 82, p. 272 ; I, ch. 25, pp. 206, 207 ; ch. 26, p. 225). Champa, the famous capital of Anga, stood on the river of the same name (Jataka 506 ; modern Chandan) and the Ganges (Watters, Yuan Chwang, II, 1S1). Cun- ningham points out that there still exist near Bhagalpur 54 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA two villages, Champanagara arid Champapura, which most probably represent the actual site of the ancient capital. It is stated in the Puranas and the Harivamsa that the aucient name of Champa was Malinl (Matsya, 48. 97 ; Vayu, 99. 105-OG ; Hariv. 32. 49 ; cf. Mbh. XII. 5. 6-7) : Champasya tu purl Champa Ya Malinyabhavat pura. In the Jataka stories the city is also called Kala- Champa. In the Maha- Janaka Jataka (No. 539) it is stated that Champa was sixty leagues from Mithila. The same Jataka refers to its gate, watch-tower, and walls. Down to the time of Gotama Buddha's death it was considered as one of the six great cities of India, the other five being Kajagriha, $ravasti, Saketa, Kausambi, and Benares (Mahaparinibbana Sutta). Champa increa- sed in wealth and traders sailed from it to Suvarnabhumi for trading purposes (Jataka, Camb, Ed. VI, 539, p. 20). Emigrants from Champa to Cochin China named their settlement after this famous Indian city (Ind. Ant. VI. 229, Itsing, 58). Anga is mentioned in the Atharva Veda (V. 22. 14) in connection with the Gandharis, Mujavants, and Magadhas. The Ilamayana tells an absurd story about the origin of Anga. It is related in that epic that Madana having incurred the displeasure of Mahadeva fled from the hermitage of the latter to escape his consuming anger, and the region where " he cast off his body (Anga) " has since been known by the name of Aiiga (Nundolal Dey, Notes on Ancient Anga, J. A. S. B., 1914, p. 317). The Mahabharata attributes the foundation of the Anga kingdom to a prince named Anga. There may be some truth in this tradition. Anga Vairochana is included in the list of SIXTEEN MAHAJANAPADAS anointed kings in the Aitareya Brahmana (VIII. 22). The Mahagovinda Suttanta mentions king Dhataratf.ha of Anga (Dialogues of the Buddha, II, 270). The Buddhist texts mention a queen named Gaggara who gave her name to a famous lake in Champa. The Purfma- (Matsya, 48. 91-108 ; Vayu 99. 100-112) give lists of the early kings of Anga. One of these kings Dadhivahana is known to Jaina tradition. The Puranas and the Harivamsa (32.43) represent him as the son and immediate successor of Aiiga. Jaina tradition places him in the beginning of the sixth century B.C. His daughter Chandana or Chandravala was the first female who embraced Jainism shortly after Mahavira had attained the Kevaliship (J.A.S.B., 1914, pp. 320-321). Satanika, king of Kausambi attacked Champa, the capital of Dadhi- vahana, and in the confusion which ensued, Chandana fell into the hands of a robber, but all along she main- tained the vows of the order. Magadha was then a small kingdom. A great struggle for supremacy was going on between Anga and Magadha (Champeyya Jataka). The Vidhura Pandita Jataka describes Rajagriha as a city of Anga, while the Mahabharata refers to a sacrifice which an Anga king performed at Mt. Vishnupada at Gaya. These facts probably indicate that at one time the Anga king annexed Magadha. Brahmadatta, king of Aiiga, is actually known to have defeated Bhattiya, .king of Magadha. Anga had, at this time, an ally in the king of the Vatsas. Sri Harsha speaks of a king of Anga named Dridhavarmma being restored to his kingdom by Udayana, king of Kausambi (Priyadarsika, Act IV). The destruction of "the kingdom of Aiiga was effected by Bhattiya's son Bimbisara Srenika of Magadha who killed Brahmadatta, took his capital Champa, and resided there as viceroy till his father's death when he returned to Rajagriha (J.A.S.B., 1914, p. 321). 66 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Magadha corresponds roughly to the present Patna and Gaya districts of Bihar. Its earliest capital was Giri- vraja, or old Rajagfiha, near Rajgir among the hills near Gaya. The Mahavagga(S.B.E., XIII, 150) calls it Giribbaja of the Magadhas to distinguish it from other cities of the same name (cf. Girivraja in Kekaya). The Mahabharata calls it Girivraja and Magadhapura (Goratham girima- sadya dadiisur Magadhamptfram II. 20. 30) and says that it was an impregnable city, purarh duradharsham saman- tatali, being protected by five hills, Vaihara " Vipulah s'ailo, " Varaha, Vrishabha, Rishigiri and Chaityaka. From the Ramayana we learn that the city had another name Vasumati (I. 32. 8). The Life of Hiuen Tsang (p. 113) mentions another name, Kusagarapura. In a passage of the Rig Veda (III. 53. 14) mention is made of a territory called Kikata ruled by a chieftain named Pramaganda. Yaska (Nirukta VI. 32) declares that Kikata was the name of a non-Aryan country. In later works Kikata is given as a synonym of Magadha (cf. Bhagavata Purana I. 3. 24 Buddhonamna'njanasutah Kikateshu bhavishyati). The name Magadha first appears in the Atharva Veda (V. 22. 14) where fever is wished away to the Gandharis, Mujavants, Angas, and Magadhas. The men of Magadha are always spoken of .in the Vedic literature in terms of contempt. In the Vratya (XV) book of the Atharva Samhita, the Vratya, i.e., the Indian living outside the pale of Brahmanism, is brought into very special relation to the Pumschali and the Magadha, faith is called his harlot, the Mitra his Magadha (Weber Hist. Ind. Lit., p. 112). In the Srauta Sutras the equipment characteristic of the Vratya is said to be given, when the latter is admitted into the Aryan Brahmanical community, to the so-called Brahmanas living in Magadha (Brahma- bandhu Magadhadesiya, Vedic Index II. 116). The SIXTEEN MAHlJANAPADAS 57 Brahmanas of Magadha are here spoken of in a sneering tone as Brahma hmnllnt. The Vedic dislike of the Magadhas was in all probability due, as Oldenberg (Buddha 400,n) thinks, to the fact that the Magadhas were not wholly Brahmanised. Pargiter (J.R.A.S., 1908, pp. 851-853) suggests that in Magadha the Aryans met and mingled with a body of invaders from the east by sea. "With the exception of Pramaganda no king of Magadha appears to be mentioned in the Vedic literature. The earliest dynasty of Magadha according to the Mahabharata (I. 63. 30) and the Puranas is that founded by Brihadratha, the son of Vasu Chaidyoparichara, and the father of Jarilsandha. The Ramayana (I. 32. 7) makes Vasu himself the founder of Girivraja or Vasumati. A Brihadratha is mentioned twice in the Rig Veda (T. 36. 18 ; X. 49. 6) but there is nothing to show that he is identical with the father of Jarasandha. The Puranas give lists of the Barhadratha kings from Jarasandha's son Sahadeva to Ripimjaya. But in the absence of independent external corroboration it is not safe to accept the Puranic accounts of these princes as sober history. The Barhadrathas are said to have passed away when Pulika placed his son Pradyota on the throne of Avanti. As Pradyota was a contemporary of Gotama Buddha it is reasonable to conclude that the Barhadratha dynasty came to an end in the sixth century B.C. The Jaina writers mention two early kings of Rajagriha named Samudravijaya and his son Gay a (S.B.E., XLV, 86). Gaya is said to have reached perfection which has been taught by the Jinas. But very little reliance can be placed on the uncorroborated assertions of late Jaina writers. The second Magadhan dynasty, according to the Puranas, was the Sais'unaga dynasty founded by a king named Sis'unaga. Bimbisara, the contemporary of Buddha, 56 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA is said to have belonged to this dynasty. The Mahavarhsa however makes Susunaga the founder of a dynasty which succeeded that of Bimbisara. The Puranas themselves relate that $isunaga will destroy the prestige of the Pradyotas and will be king :— Ashta-trimsachehhatam bhavyah Prildyotah pancha te sutah Hatva tesham yas'ah kritsnam Sis'unaga bhavishyati. (Vayu Purana, 99, 314). If this statement be true, then Sisunaga must be later than the first Pradyota, namely Chanda Pradyota Maha- sena, who was, according to the early Pali texts, a con- temporary of Bimbisara. It follows that Sis'unaga must be later than Bimbisara. But we have seen that the Puranas make Sis'unaga an ancestor of Bimbisara. Tims the Puranas, in their present form, are self -contradictory. The inclusion of Varanasl within $isunaga's dominions (Dynasties of the Kali Age, 21), proves that he came after Bimbisara and Ajatasatru who were the first to establish Magadhan authority in Kasi. The Malalankaravatthu tells us (S.B.E., XI, p. xvi) that Rajagriha lost her rank of royal city from the time of &isunaga. This indicates that Sisunaga came after the palmy days of Rajagriha, i.e., the period of Bimbisara and Ajatasatru. Prof. Bhandarkar in his Carmichael Lectures, 1918, accepts the Ceylonese version and rejects the Pauranic account of Bimbisara's lineage. He makes Bimbisara the founder of a dynasty, and says that he was a general who carved out a kingdom for himself at the expense of the Vajjis. The Malifiv.-uiwi however states (Geiger's translation, p. 12) that Bimbisara was anointed king by his own father when be was only I ."• years old. Mr. Nundolal Dey mentions Bhattiva as the name of the father (J.A.S.B., 1914,321). We have already SIXTEEN MAHAJANAPADAS 59 mentioned his defeat at the hands of Brahmadatta, king of Anga. The defeat was avenged by Bimbisara who launched Magadha into that career of conquest and nggran- disement which only ended when Asoka sheathed his sword after the conquest of Kalinga. The Vajjis, according to Prof. Rhys Davids ; nd Cunningham, included eight confederate clans (atthakula), of whom the Videhans and the Lichchhavis were the most important. Among the other clans we may men- tion the Jnatrikas and the Vajjis proper. The Videhans had their capital at Mithila which is identified by some scholars with the small town of Janakpur just within the Nepal border. But a section of them may have settled in Vaisali. To this section probably belonged the princess Trisala, also called Videhadatta, mother of Mahavira. The Lichchhavis had their capital at Vesali (Vaisali) which has been identified with Besarh (to the east of the Gandak), in the Muzaffarpur district of Bihar. Vesali is probably identical with the city called Visala in the Hamayana (Adi., 45. 10) : Visalam nagarim ramyarh divyam svargopamam tada. We learn from the introductory portion of the Eka- panna Jataka (No. 149) that a triple wall encompassed the city, each wall a league distant from the next, and there were three gates with watch-towers. The Jnatrikas were the clan of Siddhartha and his son Mahavira the Jina. They had their seats at Kunda- pura or Kundagrama and Kollaga, suburbs of Vesali. Nevertheless they were known as " Vesalie/' i.e., inhabitants of Vesali (Hoernle, Uvasagadasao, II, p. 4n). The Vajjis or Vrijis are mentioned by Panini (IV. 2. 131). Kautilya (Mysore Edition, 1919, p. 378) distin- guishes the Vrijikas or Vajjis from the Lichchhivikas. Yuan Chwang (Watters, II. 81) also distinguishes the 9 60 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Fu-li-chih (Vriji) country from Feishe-li (Vaisali). It seems that Vrijika or Vajji was not only the name of the confederacy, but also of one of the constituent clans. But the Vajjis, like the Lichchhavis, are sometimes associated with the city of Vesali which was not only the capital of the Lichchhavi clan, but also the metropolis of the entire confederacy. (Cf. Majjhima Nikaya, II. 101 ; the Book of the Kindred Sayings, Samyutta Nikaya, by Mrs. Rhys Davids, pp. 257, 259.) A Buddhist tradition quoted by Rockhill (Life of Buddha, p. 62) mentions the city of Vesali as consisting of three districts. The three districts were probably at one time the seats of three different clans. The remaining clans of the confederacy resided in the suburbs like Kundagrama, Kollaga, Vaniyagama, etc. We have seen that during the Brahmana period Mithila had a monarchical constitution. The Ramayana (I. 47. 11-17) and the Puranas (Vayu, 86. 16-22 ; Vishnu, IV. 1. 18) state that Visala, too, was at first ruled by kings. The founder of the Vaisalika dynasty is said to have been Visala, a son of Ikshvaku according to the Ramayana; a descendant of Nabhaga, the brother of Ikshvaku, according to the Puranas. Visala is said to have given his name to the city. After Visala came Hemachandra, Suchandra, Dhumrasva, Sriiijaya, Sahadeva, Kusas'va, Somadatta, Kakutstha and Sumati. We do not know how much of the Ramayanic and Pauranic account of the Vaisalika nripas can be accepted as sober history. A king named Sahadeva Sarfijaya is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana (II. 4, 4, 3. 4) as having once been called Suplan Sarfijaya, and as having changed his name because of his success in performing the Dakshayana Sacrifice. In the Aitareya Brahmana (VII. 34, 9) he is mentioned with Somaka Sahadevya. None of these kings, however, are connected with Vaisali in the Vedic literature. SIXTEEN MAHAJANAPADAS 61 The Vajjian confederation must have been orga- nised after the fall of the royal houses of Videha. Political evolution in India thus resembles closely the political evolution in the ancient cities of Greece, where also the monarchies of the Heroic Age were succeeded by aristocratic republics. The probable causes of the transformation in Greece are thus given by Bury " in some cases gross misrule may have led to the violent deposition of a king ; in other cases, if the succession to the sceptre devolved upon an infant or a paltry man, the nobles may have taken it upon themselves to abolish the monarchy. In some cases, the rights of the king might be strictly limited, in consequence of his seeking to usurp undue authority ; and the imposition of limitations might go on until the office of the king, although main- tained in name, became in fact a mere magistracy in a state wherein the real power had passed elsewhere. Of the survival of monarchy in a limited form we have an example at Sparta; of its survival as a mere magis- tracy, in the Arch on Basileus at Athens." The cause of the transition from monarchy to republic in Mithila has already been stated. Regarding the change at Visala we know nothing, Several eminent scholars have sought to prove that the Lichchhavis, the most famous clan of the Vajjian confederacy, were of foregin origin. According to Dr. Smith the Lichchhavis were Tibetans in their origin. He infers this from their judicial system and the disposal of their dead.1 Dr. S. C. Vidyabhushana held that the Lichchhavis were originally Persians and came from the Persian city of Nisibi.2 Indian tradition is, however, unanimous in representing the Lichchhavis as Kshatriyas. Thus we » Ind. Ant., 1903, p. 289. 1 Ind. Ant., 1908, p. 78. 62 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA read in the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta " and the Lich- chhavis of Vesali heard the news that the Exalted One had died at Kusinara. And the Lichchhavis of Vesali sent a messenger to the Mallas, saying : ■ the Exalted One was a Kshatriya and, so are we. We are worthy to receive a portion of the relics of the Exalted One.' " In the Jaina Kalpa Sutra Tris'ala, sister to Chetaka who is regarded by several scholars as a Lichchhavi chief of Vesali, is styled Kshatriyani (S.B.E., XXII, pp. xii, 227). Manu says (X, 22) : Jhallo V allascha rajanyad vratyan Nichchhivireva cha Natascha Karanaschaiva Khaso Dravida eva cha. It may be argued that the Lichchhavis, though origi- nally non-Aryans or foreigners, ranked as Kshatriyas when they were admitted into the fold of Brahmanism, like the Dravidas referred to in Manu's sloka and theGurjara-Prati- haras of mediaeval times. But, unlike the Pratiharas and Dravidas, the Lichchhavis never appear to be very friendly towards Brahmanism. On the contrary, they were always to be found among the foremost champions of non- Brahmanic creeds like Jainism and Buddhism. As a matter of fact Manu brands them as the children of the Vratya Bajanyas. The great mediaeval Rajput families (though sometimes descended from foreign immigrants) were never spoken of in these terms. On the contrary, they were supplied with pedigrees going back to llama, Lakshmana, Yadu, Arjuna and others. My impression is that a body of foreigners, who were unfriendly towards the Brahmanas, could not have been accepted as Kshatriyas. The obvious conclusion seems to be that the Lichchhavis were indigenous Kshatriyas who were degraded to the position of Vratyas when they became champions of non-Brahmanical creeds. The Pali commentary SIXTEEN MAHAJANAPADAS 63 Paramatthajotika (Vol. I, pp. 158-165) contains a legend regarding the Lichchhavis which traces their origin to a queen of Benares. The date of the foundation of the Lichchhavi power is not known. But it is certain that the authority of the clan was firmly established in the time of Mahavira and Gotama, i.e., in the sixth century B.C. A vivid descrip- tion of the Lichchhavis is given by Buddha himself in the following words (SBE., XI, p. 32) "Let those of the brethren who have never seen the Tavatimsa gods, gaze upon this company of the Lichchhavis, behold this com- pany of the Lichchhavis, compare this company of the Lichchhavis — even as a company of Tavatimsa gods." Buddhist tradition has preserved the names of emi- nent Lichchhavis like prince Abhaya, Otthaddha, Mahali, general Siha, Dummukha and Sunakkhatta.1 In the introductory portions of the Ekapanna (149) and Chulla Kalinga (301) Jatakas it is stated that the Lichchhavis of the ruling family numbered 7,707. There was a like number of viceroys, generals, and treasurers. The Jaina Kalpasutra (§128) refers to the " nine Lich- chhavis " as having formed a confederacy with nine Mallakis and eighteen Ganarajas of Kasi-Kosala. We learn from the Nirayavali Sutra that an important leader of this confederacy was Chetaka 2 whose sister Tris'ala or Videhadatta was the mother of Mahavira, and whose daughter Chellana or Vedehi was, according to Jaina writers, the mother of Kunika-Ajatasatru. The destruction of the confederacy of Vaisali was the work of Ajatasatru. The preliminaries to the conquest 1 Anguttara Nikftya, III, 74 ; Mahfili Sutta, Dialogues of the Buddha. Part I, p. 198; MahSvagga, SBE., XVII, p. 108 ; Majjhima N, I. 234; 68; II. 252 ; The Book of the Kindred Sayings, 295. * In the opinion of several scholars Chetaka was a Lichchhavi. But the secondary names of his sister (Videhadatta) and daughter (Vedehi) probably indicate that he was a Videhan domiciled at Vesftli. 64 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA of Vesali are described in the Mabavagga and the Maha- parinibbana Suttanta (SBE., XVII, p. 101 ; XI, pp. 1-5). The Mai la territory had for its capital the city of Kusavati or Kusinara (Kusa Jataka No. 531 ; Mahapari- nibbana Suttanta, Dialogues of the Buddha, Part II, pp. 161-162). The exact site of Kusinara is not yet known. In the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta it is stated that the Sala Grove of the Mallas, the Upavattana of Kusinara lay near the river Hiranyavati. Smith identi- fies the Hiranyavati with the Gandak and says that Kusinagara (Kusinara) was situated in Nepal, beyond the first range of hills, at the junction of the Little, or Eastern Ilapti with the Gandak (EHI., p. 159n). He, however, adds that the discovery in the large stupa behind the Nirvana temple near Kasia of an inscribed copper plate bearing the words " [parini] r vana-chaitye tamrapatta iti," has revived and supported the old theory, propounded by Wilson and accepted by Cunningham, that the remains near Kasia (on the Chota Gandak), in the east of the Gorakh- pur District, represent Kus'inagara. The Mallas together with the Lichchhavis are classed by Manu as Vratya Kshatriyas. They too, like the Lich- chhavis, were ardent champions of Buddhism. In the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta they are sometimes called Vasetthas (Dialogues of the Buddha, Part II, pp. 162, 179, 181). Like Videha, Mallarattha (Mallarashtra, Mbh., VI. 9. 44) had a monarchical constitution at first. The Kusa Jataka mentions a Malla king named Okkaka (Ikshvaku). The name Okkaka probably indicates that like the &akyas (cf. Dialogues, Part I, pp. 114-115) the Malla kings also belonged to the Ikshvaku family. The Mahasudassana Sutta mentions another king named Mahasudassana (SBE., XI, p. 248). These kings Okkaka and Mahasudassana may or may not have been historical individuals. The important SIXTEEN MAHAJANAPADAS 65 thing to remember is that Mallarattha was at first ruled by kings. This conclusion is confirmed by the evidence of the Mahabharata (If. 30-3) which refers to a king of the Mallas. During the monarchical period the metropolis was a great city and was styled Kusavatl. Before Bimbisara's time the monarchy had been re- placed by a republic (cf. SBE.} XI, p. 102 ; Kauftlya's Arthasastra, 1919, p. 378) ; and the metropolis had sunk to the level of a " little wattel and daub town " a " branch township " surrounded by jungles. It was then styled Kusinara. The Mallas had two other important cities namely Pava (SBE., XI, p. 133^ and Bhoga-nagara (Sutta Nipata, 194, Uvasagadasao, II, Appendix, p. 57). The relations of the Mallas with the Lichchhavis were sometimes hostile and sometimes friendly. The intro- ductory story of the Bhaddasala Jataka (No. 465) contains an account of a conflict between Bandhula the Mallian (Commander-in-chief of the king of Kosala) and 500 kings of the Lichchhavis. The Jaina Kalpasutra, however, refers to nine Mallakis as having formed a league with nine Lichchhavis, and the eighteen Ganarajas of Kasi-Kos'ala.1 The league was evidently aimed against Kunika- Ajatasatru who, like Philip of Macedon, was trying to absorb the territories of his republican neighbours. The Malla territory was finally annexed to Magadha. It certainly formed a part of the Maurya Empire in the third century B.C. Chedi was one of the countries encircling the Kurus (paritah Kurun, Mbh. IV. i. 11) and lay near the Jumna 1 Nava Mallai nava Lechchhai Kftsi Kosalasya attharasu vi ganarayano. Jacobi translates the passage thus i The eighteen confederate kings of Kasi and Kosala, the nine Mallakis acd nine Lichchhavis. 66 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA (1. 63. 2-58). It corresponds roughly to the modern Bundelkhand and the adjoining region. We learn from the Chetiya Jataka (No. 422) that its capital was Sotthivatinagara. The Mahabharata calls the capital guktimati (III. 20.50) or Sukti-sahvaya (XIV. 83.2). According to Mr. Nundolal Dey Sotthivati is the same as Suktimati (Ind. Ant., 1919, p. vii of " Geographical Dictionary"). The Mahabharata mentions a river called Suktimati which flowed by the capital of Raja Uparichara of Chedivishaya (I. 63, 35). Pargiter identifies the river with the Ken, and places the capital SuktimatI in the neighbourhood of Banda (J.A.S.B., 1895, 255, Markandeya p. 359). The Chedi people are mentioned as early as the Rig Veda. Their king Kas'u Chaidya is praised in a Danastuti occurring at the end of one hymn (VIII. 5. 37-39). The Chetiya Jataka gives the following legendary genealogy of Chaidya kings : Mahasammata I Roja i . Vararoja i Kalyana i Varakalyana Uposatha i Mandhata I Varamandhata I Chara Upachara or Apachara SIXTEEN MAHiJANAPADAS 67 The last king's five sons are said to have founded the cities of Hatthipura, Assapura, Sihapura, Uttarapanchala and Daddarapura. Upachara, king of Chedi, is probably identical with Uparichara Vasu, the Paurava king of Chedi mentioned in the Mahabharata (I. 63. 1-2), whose five sons founded five lines of kings (I. 63. 30). Epic tradition makes the royal houses of Kausambi, Mahodaya and Girivraja branches of Vasu's family (Ra- mayana I. 32. 6-9 ; Mahabharata I. 63. 30-33). The Jataka and epic accounts of the early kings of Chedi are essentially legendary and, in the absence of more reliable evidence, cannot be accepted as genuine history. We learn from the Vedabbha Jataka (No. 48) that the road from Kasi to Chedi was unsafe being infested by robbers. "Vamsa or Vatsa is the country of which Kausambi, modern Kosam near Allahabad, was the capital. The Satapatha Brahmana mentions a teacher named Proti Kausambeya (Sat. Br., XII. 2. 2. 13) whom Harisvamin, the commentator, considers to be a native of the town Kausambi. Epic tradition attributes the foundation of the city of Kausambi to a Chedi prince (Ram. I. 32. 3-6; Mbh., I. 63, 31). The origin of the Vatsa people, however, is traced to a king of Kasi (Harivamsa, 29, 73, Mbh. XII., 49, 80). It is stated in the Puranas that when the city of Hastinapura was carried away by the Ganges, Nichakshu, the great-great-grandson of Janame- jaya, abandoned it, and removed his residence to Kausambi. We have already seen that the Pauranic tradition about the Bharata or Kuru origin of the later kings of Kausambi is confirmed by Bhasa. Udayana king of Kausambi is described in the Svapnavasavadatta (Ed. Ganapati 6ftstri, p. 138) as a scion of the Bharata kula. 10 68 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA The Puranas give a list of Nichakshu's successors down to Kshemaka and cite the following genealogical verse : Brahmakshatrasya yo yonir variiso devarshi satkritah Kshemakam prapya rajanarh samstham prapsyati vai kalau. The earliest king of Kausambi about whom we know anything is Satanika II of the Pauranic list. His father's name was Vasudana according to the Puranas, and Sahasranika according to Bhasa. &atanika himself was also styled Parantapa (Buddhist India, p. .'*). He married a princess of Videha as his son is called Vaidehi- putra. He is said to have attacked Champa the capital of Anga during the reign of Dadhivahana (JASB, 1914, p. 321). His son and successor was the famous Udayana the contemporary of Bimbisara. The Bhagga (Bharga) state of Sumsumaragiri was a dependency of Vatsa (Jataka No. 353; Carmichael Lee, p. 63). The Mahabharata (II. 30. 10-11) and the Hari- vams'a (29. 73) testify to the close association of Vatsa- bhumi and Bharga. The Kuril state was according to Jataka No. 537 (Maha-Sutasoma) three hundred leagues in extent. The Jatakas say that the reigning dynasty belonged to the Yuddhitthila gotta, i.e., the family of Yudhishthira (Dhu- makari Jataka No. 413 ; Dasa Brahmana Jataka No. 495). The capital was Indapatta or Indapattana, i.e., Indraprastha or Indrapat near the modern Delhi. It extended over seven leagues (Jatakas No. 537, 545). The Jatakas mention the following Kuru kings and princes : Dhananjaya Korabya (Kurudhamma Jataka No. 276 ; Dhumakari Jataka No. 413 ; Sambhava Jataka No. 515 ; Vidhurapandita Jataka No. 545); Koravya (Dasa Brahmana Jataka No. 495 ; Mahasutasoma Jataka No. SIXTEEN MAHAJANAPADAS 69 537) ; Sutasoma (Mahasutasoma Jataka, cf. the Mah&bha- rata I. 95. 75 where Sutasoma appears as the name of a son of Bhlma). We can not vouch for the historical existence of these princes in the absence of further evi- dence. The Jaina Uttaradhyayana Sutra mentions a king Ishukara ruling at the town called Ishukara in the Kuru country (SBE. XLV, 62). It seems probable that after the removal of the main royal family to Kausambl, the Kuru country was parcelled out into small states of which Indapatta and Ishukara were apparently the most important. Later on the little principalities gave place to a Sangha or republic (Arthasastra, 1919, 378). Panchala roughly corresponds to Rohilkhand and a part of the central Doab. The Mahabharata, the Jatakas and the Divyavadana (p. 435) refer to the division of this state into northern and southern. The Bhagirathi (Ganges) formed the dividing line (Mbh. I. 138. 70). According to the Great Epic Northern Panchala had its capital at Ahichchhatra (the modern Bamnagar near Aonla in the Bareilly District), while Southern Panchala had its capital at Kampilya, and stretched from the Ganges to the Chambal (Mbh. 138. 73-74). A great struggle raged in ancient times between the Kurus and the Panchalas for the possession of Uttara Panchala. Sometimes Uttara Panchala was included in Kururattha (Somanassa Jataka No. 505 ; Mahabharata 1. 138) and had its capital at Hasti- napura (Divyavadana, p. 435), at other times it formed a part of Kampillarattha (Brahmadatta Jataka No. 323, Jayaddisa Jataka No. 513 and Gandatindu Jataka No. 520). Sometimes kings of Kampillarattha held court at Uttara Panchalanagara, at other times kings of Uttara Panchalarattha held court at Kampilla (Kumbhakfira Jataka No. 408). 70 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA The history of Pafichala from the death of Pravahana Jaivala or Jaivali to the time of Bimbisara of Magadha is obscure. The only king who may be referred to this period is Durmukha (Dammukha) the contemporary of Nimi (Jataka No. 408) the penultimate sovereign of Mithila (Jataka No. 541 ). In the Kumbhakara Jataka it is stated that Dummukha's kingdom was styled Uttara Panchala- rattha ; his capital was not Ahichchhatra but Kampilla- nagara. He is represented as a contemporary of Karandu king of Kalinga, Naggaji (Nagnajit) king of Gandhara and Nimi kin? of Videha. We learn from the Aitareva Brahmana (VIII. 23) that Durmukha, the Pafichala king, made extensive conquests. His priest was Brihaduktha : Etam ha va Aindram Mahabhishekam Brihaduktha Rishir Durmukhaya Pafichalaya provacha tasmadu Dur- mukhah Paiichalo Raja sanvidyaya samantam sarvatah prithivim jayan parlyaya. A great Pafichala king named Chulani Brahmadatta is mentioned in the Maha-Ummagga Jataka (516), the Uttaradhyayana Sutra (SBE, XLV. 57-61), the Svapna- vasavadatta (Act V) and the Ramayana (I. 32). In the last mentioned work he is said to have married the daugh- ters (Kanyafr) of Kusanabha who were made hump-backs (Kubja) by the wind-god. In the Jataka Kevatta, the minister of Brahmadatta, is said to have formed a plan for making Chulani chief king of all India, and the king himself is represented as having laid siege to Mithila. In the Uttaradhyayana Brahmadatta is styled a Universal monarch. The story of Brahmadatta, is, however, essen- tially legendary, and little reliance can be placed on it. The Ramayanic legend regarding the king is only import- ant as showing the connection of the early Panchalas with the foundation of the famous city of Kanyakubja or Kanauj. The Uttaradhyayana Sutra mentions a king of Kam- pilya named Sanjaya who gave up his kingly power and MXTEKN MAHiJANAPADAS 71 adopted the faith of the Jinas (SBE, XLV. 80-82). We do not know what happened after San jay a gave up his kingly power. But there is reason to believe that the Panchalas, like the Videhas, Mallas and Kurus, estab- lished a Sanghaform of Government of the Rajas'abdopa- jivin type (Arthasastra, 1919, p. 378). Matsya had its capital at Viratanagara or Bairat in the modern Jaipur State (Carmichael Lee., 1919, p. 53). The early history of the Matsyas has already been related. Its history during the centuries which im- mediately preceded the reign of Bimbisara of Magadha is not known. It is not included by Kautilya among those states which had a Sangha form of Government. The probability is that the monarchical constitution endured till the loss of its independence. It was probably at one time annexed to the neighbouring kingdom of Chedi. The Mahabharata (V. 74. 16) refers to a king named Sahaja who reigned over both the Chedis and the Matsyas. It was finally absorbed into the Magadhan Empire. Some of the most famous edicts of Asoka have been found at Bairat. The Mahabharata (II. 31. 4) mentions a people called the Apara Matsyas who probably occupied the hill tract on the north bank of the Chambal (J.A.S.B., 1895, 251). The Bamayana (II. 71. 5) has a reference to the Vira Matsvas. The Surasena country had its capital at Mathura on the Yamuna. Neither Surasena nor Mathura finds any mention in the Vedic literature. But the Greek writers refer to the Sourasenoi and their cities Methora and Cleisobora. In the Mahabharata and the PurSnas the ruling family of Mathura is styled the Yadu or Yftdava family. The Yadavas were divided into various septs, namely, the Vltihotras, S&tvatas, etc. (Matsya, 43-44 ; Vayu, 94-96). 72 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA The Satvatas were subdivided into several branches, e. g., the Daivavridhas, Andhakas, Mahabhojas and Vrishnis (Vishnu, IV. 13. 1 ; Vayu, 96. 1-2). Yadu and his tribe are repeatedly mentioned in the Rig Veda. He is closely associated with Turvasa and in one place (1. 108. 8^ with Druhyu, Anu and and Puru. This association is also proved by the epic and Pauranic legends which state that Yadu and Turvas'u were the sons of the same parents, and Druhyu, Anu and Puru were their step-brothers. We learn from the Rig Veda (I. 36. 18 ; VI. 45. 1) that Yadu and Turvasa came from a distant land. The Satvatas or Satvats also appear to be mentioned in the Vedic texts. In the Satapatha Brahmana (XIII. 5. 4. 21) the defeat by Bharata of the Satvats or Satvants and his taking away the horse which they had prepared for an Asvamedha are referred to. The geographical position of Bharata's kingdom is clearly shown by the fact that he made offerings on the Yamuna and the Ganges (Ait. Br. VIII, 23 ; Mbh. VII. 66. 8). The Satvats must have been occupying some adjoining region. The epic and Pauranic tradition which places them in the Mathura district is thus amply confirmed. At a later time, however, a branch of the Satvats must have migrated southward, for in the Aitareya Brahmana (VIII. 14. 3), the Satvats are described as a southern people ruled by Bhoja kings. In the Puranas also we find that a branch of the Satvats was styled Bhoja (Vishnu IV, 13. 1-6) : "Bhajina-Bhajamana-divyandhaka-Devavridha-Maha- bhoja-Vrishni-samjnab Satvatasya putra babhuviui Maha Bhojastvati dharmatma tasyanvaye Bhojamartika vata babhuvuti." It is also stated that several southern states, Mahis- mati, Vidarbha, etc., were founded by princes of Yadu lineage (Mat., p. 43. 10-29; 44. 36 ; Vayu, 94. 26; 95.35). SIXTEEN MAHAJANAPADAS 78 Not only the Bhojas, but the Devavridha branch of the Satvatas is also mentioned in the Vedic literature. Babhru Daivavridha (Vayu, 96. 15, Vishnu, IV. 13. 3-5) is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana (VII. 34) as a contemporary of Bhima, king of Vidarbha and Nagnajit, king of Gandhara. The Andhakas and Vrishnis are referred to in the Ashtadhyai of Panini (IV. 1. 114; VI. 2. 34). In Kautilya's Arthasastra (p. 12) the Vrishnis are described as a Sangha, i.e., a republican corporation. The Mahabharata, too, refers to the Vrishnis, Andhakas and other associate tribes as a Sangha (XII. 81. 25), and Vasudeva as a Sanghamukhya. The name of the Vrisbni corporation has been preserved by a unique coin (Majum- dar, Corporate Life in Ancient India, p. ] 19). It is stated in the Mahabharata and the Puranas that Kamsa, like Peisistratus and others of Greek history, tried to make himself tyrant at Mathura by overpowering the Yadavas, and that Krishna, a s:-ion of the Vrishni family, killed him. The slaying of Kamsa by Krishna is referred to by Patanjali aud the Ghata Jataka (No. 454). The latter work confirms the Hindu tradition about the association of Krislma-Vasudeva's family with Mathura (" Uttara Madhura").1 The final overthrow of the Vrishnis is ascribed to their irreverent conduct towards Brahraanas (Mahabharata, Maushala Parva, I. 15-22 ; 2. 10 ; Arthasastra, p. 12 ; Jataka, IV., pp. 55-56, V., p. 138). It is interesting to note in this connection, that the Vrishnis and the Andha- kas are branded as Vratyas in the Drona Parva of the Mahabharata (141 15). The Buddhist texts refer to Avantiputta king of the Surasenas in the time of Maha Kachchana (M. 2. 83) who 1 The question of the historical existence of Krishna V&sadeva hat beau discussed in my Early History of the VaishnaTa 8ect, pp. 26-36. 74 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA was the first among the chief disciples of Sakyamuni through whose agency Buddhism gained ground in the Mathura region. The &urasenas continued to be a notable people up to the time of Megasthenes. But at that time they must have formed an -integral part of the Maurya Empire. Assaka was situated on the banks of the Godhavari (Sutta Nipata, 977), The name of the territory represents the Sanskrit As'maka. The Asmakas are mentioned by Panini (IV. 1. 173). As the grammarian refers to Dakshinatya (IV. 2. 98) and Kalinga (IV. 1. 178) his As'maka may be Assaka in the Deccan. It may however also denote the Asmakas in North-West India referred to by the Greek writers as the Assakenoi. The capital of Assaka was Potana or Potali (Chullakalinga Jataka No. 301; D. 2. 235). Prof. Bhandarkar points out (Carm. Lee, pp. 53-54) that in early Pali literature Assaka has, on the one hand, been distinguished from Mulaka which lay to its north, and on the other from Kaliiiga. He suggests that in later times Assaka seems to have included Mulaka, and also perhaps Kalinga. In the Sona-Nanda Jataka we find Assaka associated with Avanti ; this association can only be explained if we surmise that Assaka included at that time Mulaka and thus its territory abutted on Avanti. In the Vayu Purana (88. 177-178) Asmaka and Mulaka. appear as scions of the Ikshvaku family. This probably indicates that the As'maka and Mulaka kingdoms were believed to have been founded by Ikshvaku chiefs, just as Vidarbha and Dandaka were founded by princes of the Yadu (Bhoja) family. The Mahagovinda Suttanta mentions Brahmadatta king of the Assakas who was a contemporary of Sattabhu king of Kaliiiga, Vessabhu king of Avanti, Bharata king of Sovlra, Ren,u king of Videha, Dhatarattha king of Aiiga and Dhatarattha king of Kasi SIXTEEN MAHAJANAPADAS 75 (Dialogues of the Buddha, Part II, p. 270). The Maha- bharata (I. 177. 47) refers to " Asmako nama Rajarshih Paudanyam yonyaves'ayat." Paudanyais evidently identi- cal with Potana or Potali. We learn from the Assaka Jataka (No. 207) that at one time the city of Potali was included in the kingdom of Kasi, and its prince Assaka was presumably a vassal of the Kasi monarch. The Chulla Kalinga Jataka mentions a king of Assaka named Aruna and his minister Nandisena, and refers to a victory which they won over the king of Kalinga. Avanti roughly corresponds to modern Malwa, Nimar and the adjoining parts of the Central Provinces. Prof. Bhandarkar points out that Avanti was divided into two parts : the northern part had its capital at Ujjain and the southern part called Avanti Dakshinapatha had its capital at Mahissat! or Mahis'mati, modern Mandhata on the Narmada. The Mahagovinda Suttanta mentions Mahissat! as the capital of the Avantis, and refers to their king Vessabhu. The Mahabharata distinguishes between the kingdoms of Avanti and Mahis'mati, but locates Vinda and Anuvinda of Avanti near the Narmada (Narmada- mabhitah, II. 31. 10). The Puranas attribute the foundation of Mahis'mati, Avanti, and Vidarbha to scions of the Yadu family. The Aitareya Brahmana also associates the Satvats and the Bhojas, septs of the Yadu family according to the Puranas, with the southern realms (Matsya, 43-44 ; Vayu, 95-96 : Ait. Br. VIII. 14). The Puranas style the first dynasty of Mahis'mati as Haihaya (Matsya, 43. 8-29; Vayu, 94. 5-26). The Haihaya family is referred to by such an ancient authority as Kautilya (Arthas'astra, p. 11). The Haihayas are said to have overthrown the Nagas who must have been the 11 76 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA aboriginal inhabitants of the Narmada region (cf. Nagpur). The Matsya Purana mentions five branches of the Haihayas namely Vitihotras, Bhojas, Avantis, Kunclikeras or Tundikeras and the Talajaiighas (43. 48-49). When the Vitihotras and Avantis passed away, a minister named Pulika is said to have killed his master and anointed his own son Pradyota by force in the very sight of the Kshatriyas. In the fourth century B.C., Avanti formed an integral part of the Magadhan Empire. The kingdom of Gandhara according to Jataka No. 406 included Kas'mir as well as the Takshas'ila region. Takshasila, the capital city, lay 2,000 leagues from Benares (Telapatta Jataka No. 96 ; Susima Jataka No. 163). I he Puranas represent the Gandhara kings as the descendants of Druhyu (Matsya 48. 6 ; Vayu 99. 9). Druhyu and his people are mentioned several tiui9s in the Rig Veda. In the Vedic Index (I. 385) it is stated that "from the tribal grouping it is probable that the Druhyus were a north-western people." Thus the Puranic tradi- tion about the connection of the Gandharas with Druhyu accords with Vedic evidence. Takshasila is mentioned in the Mahabharata in con- nection with the story of king Janamejaya by whom it had been conquered. In the time of Nimi kinsr of Videha, Durmukha king of Paficbala, and Bhmia king of Vidarbha, the throne of Gandhara was occupied by Naggaji or Nagnajit (Kumbhakara Jataka ; Ait. Br. VII. 34; Sat. Br. VIII. 1. 4. 10). We learn from the Kum- bhakara Jataka that his capital was Takshas'ila. The Jaina Uttaradhyayana Sutra mentions " Dvimukha " of Pancha- la, Nami of Videha, " Naggati " of Gandhara, and M Karakanxlu " of Kalinga, and says that " these bulls of kings have adopted the faith of the Jainas " (SBE, XLV, 87). As Pars'va (777 B.C.) was the first historical Jina, Naggati or Nagnajit is probably to be placed between SIXTEEN' MAHAJANAPADAS 77 777 B.C. and 51,3 B.C. (the date of Pukkusati the Gan- dharian contemporary of Bimbisara). We do not, however, say that implicit reliance can l)e placed on a statement of the Uttaradhyayana. Nagnajit was succeeded by his son Svarjit (Sat. Br., VIII. 1. 4. 10). In the middle of the sixth century B.C. the throne of Gandhara was occupied by Pukkusati who is said to have sent an embassy and a letter to king Bimbisara of Magadha. In the latter half of the sixth century Gan- dhara was conquered by the king of Persia. In the Behis- tun inscription of Darius, cir. 516 B.C., the Gandharians (Gadara) appear among the subject peoples of the Achaeme- nian Empire (see k< Ancient Persian Lexicon and the Texts of the Achaemenidan Inscriptions " by Herbert Cushing Tolman, Vanderbilt Oriental Series, Vol. VI). Kamboja is constantly associated with Gandhara in literature and inscriptions (Mbh. XII. 207. 43 ; Anguttara N. I. 213; 4. 252, 256, 260 ; Rock Edict V of As'oka). Like Gandhara it is included in the Uttarapatha (of. Mbh. XII. 207. 43). It must therefore be located in some part of North-west India not far from Gandhara. Rhys Davids (Bud. Ind. 28) mentions its capital Dvaraka. We learn from a passage of the Mahabharata that a place called Rajapura was the home of the Kambojas (Mbh., VII. 4. 5, (i Kama Rajapuram gatva Kamboja nirjihl stvaya "). The association of the Kambojas with the Gandharas enables us to identify this Rajapura with the Rajapura of Hiuen Tsang (Watters, Yuan Chwang, Vol. I, p. 284), which lay to the south or south-east of Punach. The Vedic texts do not mention any king of Kamboja, But they refer to a teacher named Kamboja Aupam.m- yava (Vamsa Br.) who was probably connected with this territory. 78 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA In the Bhuridatta Jataka (No. 543) the Karabojas are credited with savage customs : ete hi dhamma anariyarupa Kambojakanam vitatha bahunnan ti. Jataka, VI. 208. These are your savage customs which I hate, Such as Kamboja hordes might emulate. CowelV 8 Jataka, VI. 110. This description of the Kambojas agrees wonderfully with Hiuen Tsang's account of Rajapura and the adjoining countries. "From Lampa to Rajapura the inhabitants are coarse and plain in personal appearance, of rude violent dispositions... they do not belong to India proper but are inferior peoples of frontier {i.e., barbarian) stocks." The Kambojas are known as Kambujiya in the old Persian inscriptions. In the Mahabharata the Kambojas are represented as living under a monarchical constitution {cf. II. 4. 22 ; V. 165. 1-3, etc.). Kautilya (p. 378) men- tions the Kshatriya sreni of Kamboja as an illustration of a " Vartasastropajivin " Sangha. The epic account of the Mahajanapadas : An interesting account of the characteristic of the peoples of most of the Mahajanapadas described above is to be found in the Kama Parva of the Mahabharata. The Pafichalas, Kurus, Matsyas, $urasenas and the Chedis receive unstinted praise : Kuravah saha Pafichal&h Salva Matsyah sa Naimishah Chedayas'cha mahabhaga dharmam jananti sasvatam Br&hmam Pafichalah Kauraveyastu dharmam Satyam Matsyah Surasenas'cha yajnam The Kauravas with the Pafichalas, the Salvas, the Matsyas, the Naimishas and the Chedis who are all highly blessed, know what the eternal religion is.1 » Mahftbhirata, VIII. 46. 14-16; 28 ; 34. FALL OF KASI 79 The Panchalas observe the Vedas, the Kauravas observe Dharma, the Matsyas observe the truth, and the $urasenas perform sacrifices.1 The Magadhas are called comprehenders of signs ; while the Kosalas are represented as comprehending from what they see : Ingitajfiascha Magadhah prekshitajnascha Kosala^.' The Angas and the Gandharas come in for a good deal of condemnation : Aturanam parityaga sadarasutavikrayah Angeshu vartate Karna yeshamadhipatirbhavan. The abandonment of the afflicted and the sale of wives and children are, O Karna, prevalent among the Angas whose king thou art.2 Madrakeshu cha sarhsrishtaih saucham Gandhara- keshucha Itajayajakayajyecha nashtam dattam havirbhavet. Amongst the Madrakas all acts of friendship are lost as purity among the Gandharakas, and the libations poured in a sacrifice in which the king is himself the sacrificer and priest.2 The verses quoted above give a fair idea of the atti- tude of a poet of the "Western part of the Madhyadesa towards most of the Mahajanapadas of Northern India. The Fall of Kasi and the Ascendancy of Kosala. The flourishing period of many of the sixteen Maha- janapadas ended in or about the sixth century B.C. The history of the succeeding period is the story of the absorption of the states into a number of powerful king- doms, and ultimately into one empire, namely, the empire of Magadha. 1 Mabftbhfirata, VIII. 46. 14-10 ; 28 ; 34. 1 Ibid, 45. 40 ; 40. 29. 80 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Kasi was probably the first to fall. The Mahavagga and the Jatakas refer to bitter struggles between Kasi and her neighbours, specially Kosala. The facts of the struggle are obscure, being wrapped up in legendary matter from which it is impossible to disentangle them. The Kasis seem to have been successful at first, but the Kosalas were the gainers in the end. In the Mahavagga (SBE, XVII. 294-99) and the Kosambi Jataka (No. 428) it is stated thad Brahmadatta, king of Kasi, robbed Dighati, king of Kosala, of his king- dom, and put him to death. In the Kunala Jataka (No. 536) it is stated that Brahmadatta, king of Kasi, owing to his having an army, seized on the kingdom of Kosala, slew its king, and carried off his chief queen to Benares, and there made her his consort. The Brahachatta Jataka (No. 336) and the Sona-Nanda Jataka (No. 532) also refer to the victories of Kasi kings over Kosala. Success however did not remain long with the Kasis (cf. Jataka No. 100). In the Mahasilava Jataka (No. 51) king Mahasilava of Kasi is said to have been deprived of his realm by the king of Kosala. In the Ghata Jataka (No. 355) and the Ekaraja Jataka (No. 303) Vanka and Dabbasena, kings of Kosala, are said to have won for their kingdom a decided preponderance over Kasi. The final conquest of the latter kingdom was probably the work of Kamsa, as the epithet " Baranasiggaho," i.e., conqueror of Benares, is a standing addition to his name (the Seyya Jataka No. 282 and the Tesakuna Jataka No. 521, Buddhist India, p. 25). The interval of time between Kamsa's conquest of Kasi and the rise of Buddhism could not have been very long because the memory of Kasi as an independent kingdom was still fresh in the minds of the people in Buddha's time, and even later when the Afi-guttara Nikaya was composed. FALL OF KASl 81 In the time of Mahakosala (sixth century B.C.) Kasi formed an integral part of the Kosalan monarchy. When Mahakosala married his daughter, the lady Kosaladevi, to kin< Bimbisara of Magadha, he gave a village of Kasi producing a revenue of a hundred thousand for bath and perfume money (Ilarita Mata Jataka No. 239; Vaddhaki Sukara Jataka No. 283). In the time of Mahakosala's son and successor Pasenadi or Prasenajit Kasi still formed a part of the Kosalan empire. In the Lohichcha Sutta (Dialogues of the Buddha, Part I, 288-97) Buddha asks a person named Lohichcha the following questions : " Now what think you Lohichcha ? Is not king Pasenadi of Kosala in possession of Kasi and Kosala ?" Lohichcha replies " Yes that is so Gotama." We learn from the Mahavagga (SBE, XVII. 195) that the Viceroy of Kasi was a brother of Pasenadi. The Samyukta Nikaya (the Book of the Kindred Sayings, translated by Mrs. Rhys Davids, p. 100) men- tions Pasenadi as the head of a group of five Rajas. One of these was probably his brother who was the Viceroy of Kasi. Among the remaining Rajas we should include Hiranyanabha Kausalya who, as we have seen, was a contemporary of Sukesa Bharadvaja and Asvalayana and consequently of Buddha and Pasenadi, if our identification of Asvalayana Kausalya with Assalayana of Savatthi mentioned in the Majjhima Nikaya be correct. Another Raja of the group was probably the Sakya chief of Kapilavastu. Prom the introductory portion of the Bhaddasala Jataka (No. 465) we learn that the Sakya territory was subordinate to the Kosalan monarch. The inclusion of the Sakya territory, the birthplace of Buddha, within the Kosalan empire is also proved by the Sutta Eipata (SBE, X, Part II, pp. 68-69) and the Majjhima 82 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Nikaya, Vol. II, p. 124, which describe Buddha and his people as Kosalans. It was probably during the reign of Mahakosala, that Bimbisara ascended the throne of Magadha. The Maha- vaihs'a (Geiger's Translation, p. 12) tells us that " The virtuous Bimbisara was fifteen years old when he was anointed king by his own father." With the coronation of Bimbisara ends the period with which this chapter deals. Kingship. We have given the outlines of the political history of India from the accession of Parikshit to the coronation of Bimbisara. We have seen that during the major part of this period the prevailing form of Government was monarchical. No political history of this age is complete unless we know something about the rank and status of the monarcbs in the different parts of India, their caste, the methods of their selection and consecration, the chief members of their households, and their civil and military services, the checks on their authority, etc. The different kinds of rulerships prevalent in differ- ent parts of India are thus described in the Aitareya Brahmana.1 Etasyarii Prachyarii disi ye ke cha Prachyanjim rajanah Samrajyayaiva te'bhishichyantc Samrali- tyenanabhishiktanachakshata etameva Devanam vihitimanu. Etasyarii dakshinasya dis'i ye ke cha Satvatarii Kajano Bhaujyayaiva te'bhishichyante Bhojetyenanabhishi- ktanachakshata etameva Devanarh vihitimanu. Etasyarii Pratichyarii dis'i ye ke cliA Ntehya- narh Rajano ye'pachyanam Svarajyayaiva te' 1 VIII 14. FALL OF KASI 83 bhishichyante Svaralityenanabhishiktanachakshata etameva Devanaiii vihitimanu. Etasyarii Udichyam disi ye ke cha parena Himava- ntaih Janapada Uttara Kurava Uttara Madrii iti Vairajyayaiva te' bhishichyante Viriilityenana bhishiktanachakshata etameva Devanaiii vihitimanu Etasyarii dhruvayaih Madhyamayariipratishthayi m disi ye ke cha Kuril Paiichalanarii Rajanah sa Vas'os'- Inaranarii Rajyayaiva te'bhishichyante Rajetyena- nabhishiktanachakshata etameva Devanaiii vihiti- manu. Several scholars assert that Vairajya means a kingless state. But in the Aitareya Brahmana ■ a king consecra- ted with Indra's great unction is called Virat and worthy of Vairajya. When a king consecrated with the Punar.i- bhisheka ascends his Asandt or throne, he prays for attaining Vairajya as well as other kinds of royal dignity. Sayana takes the word Vairajyaih to mean " itarebhyo bhupatibhyo vaisishtyam." It is also stated in the Sukra- niti (B.K. Sarkar's translation, p. 21) that the Virat was a superior kind of monarch. In the Mahabhiirata (XII. 43.11) Krishna is called Samrat, Virat, Syarat and Suraraja. Cf. XII., 68.54. It is not easy to decide whether all the terms Samrajya* Bhaujya, Svarajya, Vairajya and Rajya referred to essen- tially different forms of royal authority in the Brahmanic period. But two terms at least, namely, Samrajya and Rajya are clearly distinguished by the &atapatha Brahmana 2 and also the Katy&yana Srauta Sutra.3 Raja vai Rajasuyeneshtva bhavati, Samrad Vajape- yenavararhhi Rajyarii pararii Samrajyarii kamayeta vai Raja Samrad bhavitum avarariihi rajyarii paramsaiii- rajyarh.4 1 VIII. 17. ■ V. 1. 1. 18, > 1. l. ~*. ' 8»i. Br. V. l. l. 13. 12 84 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA " By offering the Rajasuya he becomes Raja and by the Vajapeya he becomes Samraj ; and the office of Rajan is the lower and that of Samraj the higher ; a Rajan might indeed wish to become Samraj, for the office of Rajan is the lower and that of Samraj the higher ; but the Samrajas would not wish to become Rajas for the office of Rajan is the lower, and that of Samraj the higher." If the Puranas are to be believed Bhoja was originally a proper name. But afterwards it came to denote a class of Southern kings. The word Caesar furnishes an exact parallel. Originally it was the name of a Roman dictator. But afterwards it was a title assumed bv Roman Emperors. In some Vedic texts ' Svarajya means uncontrolled dominion, and is opposed to Rajya.2 The king was usually, though not always, a Kshatriya. The Brahmanas were considered to be unsuited for King- ship. Thus we read in the Satapatha Brahmana " to the king (Rajan) doubtless belongs the Rajasuya ; for by offering the Rajasuya he becomes king, and unsuited for kingship is the Brahmana." 3 We have, however, references to &udra and Ayogava kings in the Vedic texts. King Janasruti Pautrayana is called a &udra in the Chhandogya Upanishad.4 King Marutta Avikshita is styled " Ayogava " in the Satapatha Brahman^.5 Ayogava denotes a member of a mixed caste, a descendant of a Sudra by a Vais'ya wife.6 The Jatakas refer to kings of several castes including Brahma- nas {cf. Jatakas 73, 432). Kingship was sometimes hereditary, as is indeed shown by several cases where the descent can be traced 1 KSthaka SambitA, XIV. 5; Maitriynni Snmhit*, I. 11. 5. etc. ■ Vedic Index, II. 221. • 8BE, XLI. Eggeling, Sat. Br., Part III, p. 4. • IV. 2. 1-5. • XIII. 6. 4. C i Mauusamhit*, X. 12. FALL OF KASI 86 {cf. the Parikshitas and the kings of Janaka's line ; cf. also the expression Dasapurushamrajya — a kingdom of ten generations occurring in the Satapatha Brahmana XII. 9. 3. 3), yet in others the monarchy was elective. The selec- tion was made sometimes by the people and sometimes by the ministers. The choice was sometimes limited to the members of the royal family only, as is shown by the legend in Yaska ' of the Kuru brothers Devapi and Santanu. In the Samvara Jataka (No. 162) the courtiers of a king asked the latter " when you are dead, my lord, to whom shall we give the white umbrella ? " " Friends," said the king, " all my sons have a right to the white umbrella. But you may give it to him that pleases your mind." Sometimes the popular choice fell on persons who did not belong to the royal family. It is stated in the Padanjali Jataka, No. 247, that when a certain king of Benares died, his son Padanjali by name, an idle lazy loafer, was set aside, and the minister in charge of things spiritual and temporal was raised to the throne. The Sachchamkira Jataka, No. 73, tells a story how the nobles, Brahmanas and all classes slew their king and anointed a private citizen. Sometimes an outsider was chosen. The Darimukha Jataka (No. 378) and the Sonaka Jataka (No. 529) tell us how on failure of heir at Benares a Prince of Magadha was elected king. The king during the Brahmana period had four queens the Mahishi, the Parivrikti, the Vavata, and the P&lagali. The Mahisi was the chief wife, being the first one married according to the Satapatha Brahmana.2 The Parivrikti was the neglected wife, probably one that had no son. The Vavata is the favourite, while the Palagali was, according to Weber, the daughter of the last of the court officials.3 In • Nirukta, II. 10. Ved. Ind. II. 211. * VI. 5. 3. I. * Ved. lad., I. 478. B6 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA the Jataka period several kings kept a fairly big harem. AVe are told in the Kusa Jataka, No. 531, that king Okkako had sixteen thousand wives among whom Silavati was the chief (aggamahesi). The ; king of Benares according to the Dasaratha Jataka, No. 461, had an equal number of wives. In the Suruchi Jataka, No. 489, a king of Mithila says . " Ours is a great kingdom, the city of Mithila covers seven leagues, the measure of the whole kingdom is 300 leagues. Such a king should have sixteen-thousand women at the least." Sixteen thousand appears to have been a stock phrase. The number is evidently exag- gerated But it indicates that the kings of the Jataka period were extreme polygamists who frequently exceeded the Brahmanic number of four queens. The king was consecrated after his succession or election with an elaborate ritual which is described in several Bra.hman.as, and for which the Mantras are given in the Samhitas. Those who aided in the consecration of the king were called Rajakartri or llajakrit, " kingmaker.*' In the Satapatha Brahmana the persons meant and specified are the Suta (minstrel and chronicler or charioteer), and the Gramani, village chief. Prof. Radhakumud Mookerji observes 1 " It is apparent from the lists of persons aiding in the royal coronation that both official and non- official or popular elements were represented in the function." The principal ceremonies or sacrifices of royal inauguration were the Vajapeya, the Rajasuya, the Punarabhisheka and the Aindra Mahabhisheka. 'I he Vajapeya bestowed on the performer a superior kind of kingship called " Samrajya," while the Rajasuya merely conferred the ordinary royal dignity.2 The Punara- bhisekh made the king elect eligible for all sorts of royal 1 Tho Fundamental Unity of India, p 88. ' Rajya, cf. fiat. Br., V. 1. 1. 13. FALL OF KASI 87 dignity, viz., Raj y a, Sam raj ya, Bhaujya, Svarajya, Vairajya, Parameshthya, Maharajya, Adhipatya, Svavasya and Atishthatva.1 The object of Aindra Mahabhisekha is thus described : "Sa ya ichchhedevarhvit Kshatriyamayam sarva jitirjayetayam sarvamllokiin vindetayamsarveshamRajnam Sraishthyamatislitham paramatam gachchheta Samr&jyam, Bhaujyam, Svarajyam, Vairajyam, Parameshthyam, Raj yam, Maharajyam Adhipatyam ayam samantaparyayi syat Sarvabhaumah sarvayusha a'nktda pararddhat Pri- thivyai SamudraparyantayS ekaral iti tametena Aindrena M -ihabhishekena kshatriyam sapayitva'bhishinched." Ait. Br, VIII, 15. The Vajapeya rites include a chariot race, in which the sacrificer is allowed to carry off the palm, and from which, according to Eggeling, the ceremony perhaps derives its name. Professor Hillebrandt would claim for this feature of the sacrifice the character of a relic of an old national festival, a kind of Indian Olympic, games. After the chariot race the next interesting item is the mounting of the sacrificial post by the sacrificer and his wife, from which homage is made to the mother earth. The Satapatha Brahm ana says. "Truly he who gains a seat in the air gains a seat above others."2 The royal sacrificer having descended from the post, is offered a throne-seat with a goatskin spread thereon and addressed by the Adhvaryu in the following words " thou art the ruler, the ruling lord — thou art firm and steadfast — (here I seat) thee for the tilling, for peaceful dwelling, for wealth, for pros- perity, i.e., for the welfare of the people, the common weal."3 The Rajasuya consisted of a long succession of sacri- ficial performances spread over a period of upwards of 1 Ait. Br. VIII. 6. ■ Sat. Br. V. 2. 1. 22. s Sat. Br. V. L 1. 25 \ Tin' Fundamental Unity of India, p. 80. 88 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA two years (SBE, XLI, p. xxvi). The rite is described at great length in the Satapatha Brahmana.1 Besides much mere priestly elaboration, the ritual contains traces of popular ceremonial (Ved. Ind., II. 219). For example, the king is clothed in the ceremonial garments of his rank, and provided with bow and arrow as emblems of sovereignty. He performs a mimic cow raid against a relative of his ; J or engages in a show fight with a Rajanya.3 A game of dice is played in which he is made to be the victim ; he symbolically ascends the quarters of the sky as an indication of his universal rule ; and steps on a tiger skin, thus gaining the strength and the pre-eminence of the tiger. A notable feature of the Rajasuya is the ceremony of the Ratna-havis or jewel offerings. The recipients of these sacrificial honours, the Ratninah, were the chief members of the royal household and of the king's civil and military service : viz. — 1. The Senani (Commander of the army). 2. The Purohita (Chaplain of the king). 3. The Mahishi (Chief Queen). 4. The Suta (Court Minstrel and Chronicler). 5. The Gramani (Village Headman). 6. The Kshattri (Chamberlain). 7. The Samgrahitri (Treasurer). 8. The Bhagadugha (Carver). 9. The Akshavapa (Keeper of the Dice). 10. The Go-vikartana (King's Companion in the chase). 11. The Palagala (Courier). The next essential part of the Rajasuya was the Abhisheka or besprinkling. It began with offerings to Savita Satyaprasava, Agni Grihapati, Soma Vanaspati, 1 V. 2. 3. («t uq). ■ Sat. Br. V. 4, 3, 1 tt $eq. 1 Cf. Taittirfya Samhita, I. 8. 15 with commentary 5 SBE. xli, 100, n. I. FALL OF KASI 89 Brihaspati Vak, Indra Jyeshtha, Rudra Pasupati, Mitra Satya and Varuna Dharmapati. The consecration water (Abhishechaniya Apaji) was made up of seventeen kinds including the water of the Sarasvatl, Sea-water, and water from a whirlpool, a pond, a well and dew. The sprinkling was performed by a Brahmana, a kinsman or brother of the king elect, a friendly Rajanya and a Vais'ya. The two most important kinds of Abhisheka were the Punarabhisheka and the Aindra Mahabhisheka. The Punarabhisheka or Second Coronation is described in the Aitareya Brahmana, VIII. 5-11. It was intended for Kshatriya conquering monarchs. The first interesting part of the ceremony was the king's ascent to the throne or Asandi which was made of Udumbara wood with the exception of the interwoven part (Vivayana) which consisted of Munja grass. Then came the besprink- ling. Among other things the priest said " Rajnarii tvam Adhirajo bhaveha; Mahantam tva mahinam Samrajam charshaninam.1 The king was next required to get down from the throne and make obeisance to the Brahmanas " Brahmana eva tat Kshatram vasa meti tad yatra vai Brahmanah kshatram vasameti tad rashtram samriddharh tadviravada hasmin viro jayate " (Ait. Br., VIII. 9). Here there is ample provision for the preven- tion of royal absolutism. Janamejaya, the son of Parikshit, was evidently consecrated with the Punarabhisheka (Ait. Br. VIII. 11). The Aindra Mahabhisheka or Indra's great unction consisted of three important ceremonies, viz. : 1. Arohana (Ascending the throne). 2. Utkrosana (Singing the king's praise). 3. Abhimantrana (repetition of special formulas or Mantras). 1 Ait. Br. VIII. 7. 90 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA The following kings are said to have been consecrated with the Aindra Mahabbisheka : Janamejaya, Saryata, Satanlka, Ambashthya, Yudhamsraushti, VisVakarma, Sudas, Marutta, Anga and Bharata (Ait. Br. VIII. 21-23). The first-mentioned king, and probably the third, fourth, fifth and ninth also belonged to the Post-Parikshit period.' Powerful kings and princes performed another im- portant sacrifice called the Asvamedha. The Apastamba Srauta Sutra (XX. i. 1) says that a Sarvabhauma Raja may perform the Asvamedha. Among the kings and princes who performed the Asvamedha were Janamejaya, his brothers Bhimasena, Ugrasena, and ^rutasena, and Para Atnara, king of Kosala. Kingship during the Parikshita-Janaka period was not merely a " Patriarchal Presidency." The monarch was not merely a " chief noble," " the first among equals," * President of a Council of Peers." In several Vedic texts he is represented as the master of his people. He claimed the power of giving his kingdom away to anybody he liked, and taxing the people as much as he liked. In the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad Janaka says to Yajnavalkva 11 So'ham Bhagavate Videhan dadami manchapi saha dasyayeti" (Brih. Up:, IV. 4. 23). The king is called " Visvasya bhutasya adhipati " and is further described as the devourer of the people — Visamatta (Ait. Br. VIII. 17). " Raja ta ekarh mukham tena mukhena Vis'o'tsi " (Kaush. Up., II. 6). The king, however, was not an absolute despot in practice. His power was checked, in the first place, by 1 Satanika defeated l>lintanl>-litia of Kasi who, according to the Mahitgovinda Suttnnta, was a contempornry of Sattubhu of Kalihga and Hrahmailatta of Assaka. As the Dcccan kingdoms ore not referred to in prc-1'urikshita -works, it is probable that SatSnlka and his contemporaries flourished aftor 1'arikshit. AmbAshthya and Yudhamsraushti were eontemi>oraries of Parvata and Narada who were very near in time to Nagnajit the contemporary of Nitni the penultimate king of Yidelia. Anga was probably the immediate predecessor of Dadhivahana who, according to" Jaina evidence, flourished in the 6th century H.C. KINGSHIP 91 the Brahmanas. We have seen that the most powerful sovereigns, even those who were consecrated with the Punarabhisheka, had to descend from the throne and make obeisance to the Brahmanas who formed the higher educated community of those days. We learn from the Aitareya Brahmana (VII. 27) and Kautilya's Arthasastra (Ed. 1919, p. 11) that even a powerful king like Janame- jaya was humbled by the Brahmanas. The Vrishnis perished on account of their irreverent conduct towards Brahmanas. This shows that not only the kings, but the republican corporations (Sangha) too, had to cultivate friendly relations with the Brahmanas. The second check was supplied by the ministers and village headmen who aided in the consecration of the king and whom the king consulted regularly. In the Vedic texts the Suta and the GramanA are styled Raja- kartri or Rajakrit, i.e., " King-maker" (Sat. Br., III. 4. 1. 7 ; XIII. 2. 2. 18). The very title indicates their importance in the body politic. They, as well as the other ratnins. figure prominently in the sacrifice of royal inauguration. The claim of the ministers and village headmen to be consulted was certainly recognised by the kings down to the time of Bimbisara. The Mahavagga says (SBE, XVII. 304) "King Brahmadatta of Kasi, O Bhikkhus, having entered Benares, convoked his ministers and counsellors and said to them : • If you should see, my good sirs, young Dighavu, the son of king Dighiti of Kosala, what would you do to him ? ' " The Maha assaroha Jataka (No. 302) refers to a king who by beat of drum through the city gathered together his councillors. In the Mahavagga we find the following passage (SBE, XVII, p. 1) " Now when Seniya Bimbisara, the king of Magadha, was holding an assembly of the eighty thousand Gr^mikas he sent message to Sona Kolivisa." The Chulla-Sutasoma Jataka also refers to the eighty thousand councillors of a 92 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA king headed by his general. These were asked to elect a king (Cowell's Jataka, V, p. 07). The king-making power of the councillors is recognised also in the Padanjali and Sonaka Jatakas. Another check was supplied by the general body of the people (Janah) who were distinct from the ministers and Gramanis or Gramikas, and who used to meet in an assembly styled Samiti or Parishad in the Upanishads. In the Utkros'ana passage of the Aitareya Brahmana (VIII. 17) the people (Janah) are clearly distinguished from the Rajakartarah among whom, according to the gatapatha Brahmana (III. 4. 1. 7 ; XIII. 2. 2. 18) were included the Suta and the Gramani. That the Samiti or Parishad was an assembly of the Janah, i.e., the whole people, is apparent from such expressions as " Panchala- nam Samitimeyaya," " Panchalanam Parishadamajagama." The Chhandogya Upanishad (V. 3. 1) mentions the Samiti of the Panchala people presided over by king Pravahana Jaivali, " Svetaketurharuneyah Panchalanam Samiti- meyaya; tarn ha Pravahano Jaivaliruvacha." The Briha- daranyaka Upanishad (VI. 2. 1) uses the term Parishad instead of Samiti " Svetaketurhava Aruneyah Panchala- nam Parishadamajagama." The people took part in the ceremony of royal inauguration (Ait. Br. VIII. 17). The Dummedha Jataka (No. 50) refers to a joint assembly of ministers, Brahmanas, the gentry, and the other orders of the people. That the people actually put a curb on royal abso- lutism is proved by the testimony of the Atharva Veda (VI. 88. 3) where it is stated that concord between king and assembly was essential for the former's prosperity. We have evidence that the people sometimes expelled and even executed their princes together with unpopular officials. Thus it is stated in the Satapatha Brahman* (XII. 9. 3. 1 et seq. ; Eggcling, V., 2C9) " Now Dushtarltu KINGSHIP 93 Paumsayana had been expelled from the kingdom which had come to him through ten generations and the Srinjayas also expelled Revottaras Patava Chakra Sthapati." The Aitareya Brahmana (VIII. 10) refers to personages who were expelled from their rashtras and who were anxious to recover them with the help of the Kshatriya consecrated with the Punarabhisheka. Such persons were the Indian counterparts of the French " emigrants " who sought to reclaim revolutionary France with the help of the troops of the Hapsburgs and the Hohenzollerns (of. Lodge, Modern Europe, p. 517). We learn from the Vessantara Jataka that the king of Sivi was compelled to banish prince Vessantara in obedience to " the people's sentence." The king was told : The bidding of the Sivi folk if you refuse to do 'I he people then will act, methinks, against your son and you. The king replied : Behold the people's will, and I that will do not gainsay. The Padakusalamanava Jataka (No. 432) tells 'a story how the town and country folk of a kingdom assembled, beat the king and priest to death as they were guilty of theft, and anointed a good man king. A. similar story is told in the Sachchariikira Jataka (No. 73). We are told in the Khandahala Jataka that the people of one kingdom killed the minister, deposed the king, made him an outcast and anointed a prince as king. The ex-king was not allowed to enter into the capital city. Prof. Bhandarkar points out that in the Telapatta Jataka a king of Takshas'ila says that he has no power over the subjects of his king- dom. This is in striking contrast with the utterance of Janaka quoted above (" Bhagavate Videhan dadami," etc.). Evidently the royal power had declined appreciably, at least in the North-west, since the days of Janaka. 94 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA The more important attributes of kingship are referred to in the " Utkrosana " passage of the Aitareya Brahmana (VIII. 17). The monarch is there described as " Visvasya bhutasya adhipati," i.e., sovereign lord of all beings. " Visamatta," i.e.; devourer of the people, " Amitranam hanta," i.e., destroyer of enemies, " Brah- mananam Gopta," i.e., protector of the Brahmanas, " Dharmasya Gopta," i.e., protector of the laws. In the expressions quoted above we have reference to the king's sovereignty and Imperium, his power of taxation, his military functions, his relations with the Hierarchy, and his judicial duties. POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA PART II From the Coronation of Bimbisara to the Extinction of the Gupta Dynasty, The following pages deal with the political history of India from the time of Bimbisara to that of the Guptas. For the period from Bimbisara to As'oka I cannot claim much originality. The subject has been treated by Professor Rhys Davids and Dr. Smith, and a flood of new light has been thrown on the history of particular dynas- ties by Professors Geiger, Bhandarkar, Rapson, Jayaswal and others. I have made use of the information con- tained in their works, and have supplemented it with fresh data gathered mainly from epical and Jaina sources. I have also tried to present old materials in a new shape, and my conclusions are not unoften different from those of previous writers. In the chapter on the Later Mauryas I have examined the causes of the dismemberment of the Maurya Empire, and have tried to demonstrate the unsoundness of the current theory that " the fall of the Maurya authority was due in large measure to a reaction promoted by the Brahmans."1 My treatment of the history of the Early Post- Mauryan and Scythian periods, though not entirely 1 Tho chapter on the Lator Mauryas was published in the J.A.S.B. 1920. 13 96 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA original, is different in many respects from that of previous writers. I have not been able to accept the current views with regard to the history and chronology of several dynasties, notably of the Early Satavahanas, the Greeks of $akala, and the &\ka-Palhavas of the Uttarapatha. In my account of the Gupta period I have made use of the mass of fresh materials accumulated since the publication of the works of Fleet, Smith and Allan. The relations of Samudragupta with the Vakatakas have been discussed, and an attempt has been made to present a connected history of the later Guptas.1 1 The chapter on the Later Guptas was published in the JASB, 1920. THE AGE OP BIMBISARA. 97 THE RISE OP MAGADHA. 1. The Age of Bimbisara. Under the vigorous kings of the race of Bimbisara and Nanda, Magadha played the same part in ancient Indian history which Wessex played in the history of Pre-Norman England, and Prussia in the history of modern Germany. The founder of the Magadhan imperial power was Bimbisara or &renika (called also Seniya Bimbisara) son of Bhattiya. The Mahavamsa (Geiger's translation, p. 12) tells us that " the virtuous Bimbisara was fifteen years old when he was anointed king by his own father... two and fifty years he reigned." We learn from the Sutta Nipata (SBE, X. II, 67) that Bimbisara's capital was at Rajagaha or Rajagriha, " the Giribbaja in Magadha." The early Buddhist texts throw a flood of light on the political condition of India in the time of Bimbisara. There were, as Prof. Rhys Davids observes, " besides a still survi- ving number of small aristocratic republics four kingdoms of considerable extent and power." In addition to these there were a number of smaller kingdoms, and some non- Aryan principalities. The most important amongst the republics were the Vajjians of Vaisali and the Mallas of Kusinara and Pava.1 An account of both these peoples has already been given. Among the smaller republics Rhys Davids mentions the 8akyas of Kapilavastu,2 the Koliyas of Ramagama, the Bhaggas of Sumsumara llill, the Bulis of Allakappa, the Kalamas of Kesaputta, and the Moriyas of Pipphalivana. 1 Twelve miles from Kusinuii (Cunningham, AGI, p. 434). 1 Piprftwft in the north of the Bastt district ; or Tilaura Kot in the TarSi (Smith, BHI, p. 159). 98 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA The Sakyas, as we have already seen, acknowledged the suzerainty of the king of Kosala. The Koliyas were their neighbours. The introductory portion of the Kunala Jataka says that the 6akya and Koliya tribes had the river E-ohini } which flows between Kapilavastu and the Capital of the Koliyas confined by a single dam and by means of it cultivated their crops. Once upon a time in the month Jetthamula when the crops began to flag and droop, the labourers from amongst the dwellers of both cities assembled together. Then followed a scramble for water. Prom the mutual recriminations which ensued we learn that the &akyas had the custom of marrying their own sisters. In the Tirthajatra section of the Vanaparva of the Mahabharata (III. 84. 31) mention is made of a place called Kapilavata. It is not altogether improbable that we have here a Brahmanical reference to the capital of the $akyas. The Bhagga state was a dependency of the Vatsa kingdom ; for we learn from the preface to the Dhona- sakha Jataka, No. 353, that prince Bodhi, the son of Udayana king of the Vatsas, dwelt in Sumsumaragiri and built a palace called Kokanada. The Mahabharata and the Harivamsa also testify to the close connection between the Vatsas and the Bhargas (Bhaggas) : Vatsabhumincha Kaunteyo vijigye balavan balat. Bharganamadhipanchaiva Nishadadhipatim tatha (MBh. II. 30. 10-11). Pratardanasya putrau dvau Vatsa Bhargau babhu- vatuh {Hariv. 29. 73). Regarding the Bulis and the Kalamas we know very little. The name of the Kalama capital, Kesaputta, reminds us of the Kesins, a people mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana (Ved. Ind., Vol. I, p. 186) and pro- bably also in the Ashtadhyayi of Panini (VI. 4, 165). 1 A tributary of the Rfiptl (Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 96). THE AGE OF BIMBISAltA 99 The Moriyas were undoubtedly the same clan which gave Magadha its greatest dynasty (cf. Geiger, Maha- variisa, p. 27). ' Pipphalivana, the Moriya Capital, is apparently identical with the Nyagrodhavana or Banyan Grove, mentioned by Hiuen Tsang, where stood the famous Embers Tope (Rhys Davids, Buddhist Suttas, p. 135 ; Watters Yuan Chwang, II, pp. 23-21 ; Cunningham, AGI, pp. 429, 4.33). Fa Hien tells us that the Tope lay twelve Yojanas to the west of Kusinara (Legge, Fa Hien, p. 70). Among the smaller kingdoms may be mentioned Gandhara ruled by Pukkusati, Roruka ruled by Rudra- yana (Divyavadana, p. 545), Surasena ruled by Avanti- putta, and Anga ruled by Brahmadatta. The most famous amongst the non-Aryan principali- ties was the realm of the Yakkha Alavaka (Sutta Nipata, SBE., X, II, 29-30). The realm of Alavaka was situated near the Ganges and had Alavi (Sutta Nipata ; the Book of the Kindred Sayings, p. 275) for its capital. Alavi seems to be identical with the town of Alabhiya men- tioned in the Uvasagadasao (II, p. 103 ; Appendix, pp. 51-53). Near the city there was a large forest (cf. The Book of the Kindred Sayings, p. 160). According to Hoernle the name of the kingdom represents the Sanskrit Atavi which means a forest. — The same scholar points out that in the Abhidhanappadipika Alavi is mentioned in a list of twenty names of cities including Baranasi, Savatthi, Vesall, Mithila, Alavi, Kosambhi, Ujjeni, Takka- sila, Champa, Sagala, Sumsumaragira, Rajagaha, Kapila- vatthu, Saketa, Indapatta, Ukkattha, Pataliputtaka, Jettuttara, Samkassa, and Kusinara. In the Uvasagadasao the king of Alabhiya is named Jiyasattu. But Jiyasattu seems to have been a common I 1 " Then did the Brfihmana Canakka anoint a glorious yonth, known by the name Candagatta, as king over all Jarabndipa, born of a noble clan, the Moriyas." 100 POLITICAL HISTORY OP INDIA designation of kings like the epithet Devanampiya of a later age. The name Jiyasattu. is given also to the rulers of Savatthi, Kampilla, Mithila, Champa,Vaniyagama Bara- nasl and Polasapura (of. Hoernle Uvasagadasao, II, pp. 6, 64, 100, 103, 106, 118, 166). Buddhist writers refer to other Yakkha principalities besides Alavaka (cf. Sutta Nipata, SBE, Vol. X, II, p. 45). The most important factors in the political history of the period were, however, neither the republics nor the Yakkha principalities, but the four great kingdoms of Kosala, Vatsa, Avanti and Magadha. In Kosala king Mahakosala had been succeeded by his son Pasenadi or Prasenajit. The new king preserved un- impaired the extensive heritage received from his father, and ruled Kasi and Kosala. He also exercised suzerainty over the &akya territory. "We have already seen that the Samyutta Nikaya refers to him as the head of a group of five Rajas, "on one occasion when the Exalted One was at Savatthi, five Rajas the Pasenadi being the chief among them, were indulging in various forms of amuse- ments." In her interesting article " Sage and King in Kosala- Samyutta," Mrs. Rhys Davids admirably sums up the character of Pasenadi, " He is shown combining like so many of his class all the world over, a proneness to affairs of sex with the virtues and affection of a good ' family man,' indulgence at the table with an equally natural wish to keep in good physical form, a sense of honour and honesty, shown in his disgust at legal cheating, with a greed for acquiring wealth and war indemnities, and a fussiness over lost property, a magnanimity towards a conquered foe with a callousness over sacrificial slaugh- ter and the punishment of criminals. Characteristic also is both his superstitious nervousness over the sinister signi- ficance of dreams due, in reality, to disordered appetites, THE AGE OF BIMBISARA 101 and also his shrewd, politic care to be on good terms with all religious orders, whether he had testimonials to their genuineness or not " (Bhandarkar Commemoration Volume, p. 134). We learn from the Ambattha and Lohichcha Suttas (Dialogues, I, pp. 108, 288) that Pasenadi was a patron of the Brahmanas, and gave them spots on royal domains with power over them as if they were kings. He was also a friend of the Buddha and his followers, and made monas- teries for their habitation (Gagga Jataka, No. 155). He had many queens, e.g., Mallika, daughter of the chief of garland makers in Savatthi, and Vasabha Khattiya born to a $akya named Mahanaman from a slave woman. He had a daughter called Vajira or Vajlrl Kumari (Majjhima, II, p. 110) and a son named Vidudabha whose mother was Vasabha Khattiya. Prince Vidudabha at first appears to have served as his father's Senapati or General. Afterwards he succeeded to the throne and perpetrated a ferocious massacre of the Sakyas. Hoernle in the Uvasagadasao (II, Appendix, p. 56) refers to Mrigadhara, who is said to have been the first minister of Prasenajit or Pasenadi. Prof. Bhandarkar refers to another minister called Siri-Vaddha. Another important official was Digha Charayana (Majjhima N. II, p. 118). He is probably identical with Dlrgha Charayana mentioned by Kautilya as an author of a treatise on kingly duties, and by Vatsyayana as an author of the science of Erotics. His uncle Bandhula was a general. The Buddhist texts throw some light on the foreign and internal affairs of Pasenadi's reign. The Majjhima Nikaya (II, p. 101) tells us that the Kosalan monarch was on friendly^terms with Seniya Bimbisara and the Visalika Lichchhavl. But he was much troubled by robbers like Angulimalo. We read in the Mahavagga (SBE, XIII, p. 220) that certain ]«Bikkhus travelling on the road from 102 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Saketa to Savatthi were killed by robbers. Then the king's soldiers came and caught some of the ruffians. In another passage (p. 261) of the Mahavagga it is stated that a residence of the Bikkhus in the Kosala country was menaced by savages. In the Vatsa kingdom king Satanika Parantapa was succeeded by his son Udayana who is the hero of many Indian legends. The commentary of the Dhammapada gives the story of the way in which Vasuladatta or Vasa- vadatta, the daughter of Pradyota, king of Avanti, became his wife. In the preface to the Matanga Jataka it is related that in a fit of drunken rage he had Pindola tortur- ed by having a nest of ants tied to him. The Kathasarit- sagara of Somadeva a writer of the eleventh century A. D. contains a long account of Udayana's Digvijaya (Tawney's Translations, Vol. I, p. 148 ff). But it is difficult to decide how much of it is folklore and how much sober history. The Priyadarsika of Srlharsha (Act IV) speaks of a king of Anga named Dridhavarman being restored by Udayana. "We have already referred to Vasavadatta, the chief queen of Udayana. The Svapna- Vasavadatta of Bhasa mentions another queen named Padmavati who is . repre- sented as sister to king Darsaka of Magadha. Prof. Bhan- darkar mentions a queen named Magandiya, and Rhys Davids refers to one named Samavati (Bud. Ind., p. 7). The Ratnavall tells the story of the love of the king of Vatsa and of Sagarika an attendant of his queen Vasava- datta. Stories about Udayana were widely current in Avanti in the time of Kalidasa (cf. Meghaduta, " prapya- vantim Udayana katha kovida gramavriddhan "). It is difficult to disentangle the kernel of historical truth from the husk of popular fables. It seems that Udayana was a great king who really made some conquests, and contract- ed matrimonial alliances with the royal houses of Avauti and JMagadha. THE AGE OF BIMBISARA 108 The throne of Avanti was at this time occupied by Chanda Pradyota Mahasena who had two sons named Gopalaka and Palaka, and a daughter named Vasavadatta, the queen of Udayana. Regarding the character of Pradyota the Mahavagga says that he was cruel (SBE, XVII, p. 187). The Puranas say that he was " nayavar- jita," i. e., destitute of good policy. The same authorities observe that " he will indeed have the neighbouring kings subject to him — Sa vai pranata samantah." That he was a king feared by his neighbours is apparent from a state- ment of the Majjhima Nikaya (III. 7) that Ajatasatru, son of Bimbisara, fortified Rajagriha because he was afraid of an invasion of his territories by Pradyota. Magadha, as we have already seen, was ruled by Bimbisara himself. He maintained friendly relations with his northern and western neighbours. He received an embassy and a letter from Pukkusati, the king of Gandhara. When Pradyota was suffering from jaundice the Magadha king sent the physician Jivaka. He con- tracted matrimonial alliances with the ruling families of Kosala and Vaisali. These marriages are of great im- portance for the history of Magadha. They paved the way for the expansion of Magadha both westward and north- ward. Bimbisara's Kosalan wife brought a Kasi village producing a revenue of a hundred thousand for bath and perfume money (Jataka Nos. 239, 283, 492). According to the Thusa Jataka (No. 338) and Musika Jataka (No. 373) the Kosalan princess was the mother of Ajatasatru. The preface to the Jatakas says " At the time of his (Ajata- satru's) conception there arose in his mother, the daughter of the king of Kosala, a chronic longing to drink blood from the right knee of king Bimbisara." In the Samyukta Nikaya (The Book of the Kindred Sayings, p. 110) Pase- nadi of Kosala calls Ajatasatru his nephew. On page 38 of the Book of the Kindred Sayings Madda appears as the 14 104 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA name of Ajatasatru's mother. The Jaina writers, on the other hand, represent Chellana, daughter of Chetaka of Vais'all, as the mother of Kunika-Ajatasatru. The Nikayas call Ajatas'atru Vedehiputta. This seems to confirm the Jaina tradition because Vais'all was situated in Videha. Buddhaghosa, however, resolves " Vedehi " into Veda-Iha, Vedena Ihati or intellectual effort (The Book of the Kindred Sayings, p. 109 n.). In this connection we should remember that even Kosalan monarchs had sometimes the epithet Vaideha (cf. Vedic Index, Vol. I, pp. 190, 491. Para Atnara is called both Vaideha and Kausalya). It is difficult to come to a final decision with regard to the parentage of the mother of Ajatasatru from the data at our disposal. Disarming the hostility of his powerful western and northern neighbours by his shrewd policy, Bimbisara could devote his undivided attention to the struggle with Anga which he annexed after defeating Brahmadatta (JASB, 1914, p. 321). The annexation of Anga by Bimbisara is proved by the evidence of the Mahavagga (SBE, XVII, p. 1) and of the Sonadanda Sutta of the Digha Nikaya in which it is stated that the revenues of the town of Champa have been bestowed by King Bimbisara on the Brahmana Sonadanda. We learn from Jaina Sources (Hemachandra, the author of the SthavirfivaR ; cf. also the Bhagavati Sutra, and the Nirayavali Sutra) that Anga was governed as a separate province under a Magadhan prince with Champa as its capital. Thus by war and policy Bimbisara added Anga and a part of Kasi to the Magadhan dominions, and launched Magadha in that career of conquest and aggrandisement which only ended when Asoka sheathed his sword after the conquest of Kalinga. We learn from the Mahavagga that Bimbisarn's dominions embraced 80,000 townships, the overseers (Gamikas) of which used to meet in a great assembly. ajAtaSatiuj 105 Bimbisara had many sons, namely, Kunika-Ajatas'atru, Abhaya, Silavat, Vimala-Kondaima, and Vehalla. Ajata- satru seems to have acted as his father's Viceroy at Champa (Bhagavatl Sutra, Nirayavalt Sutra and the Paris'ishtaparvan). He is said to have killed his father and seized the entire kingdom. II. Kunika-Ajatas'a.tru. The reign of Kunika-Ajatas'atru was the highwater mark of the power of the Bimbisarian dynasty. He not only hum hied Kosala and permanently annexed Kasi, but also absorbed the state of Vaisall. The traditional account of his duel with Kosala is given in the Samyutta Nikaya (The Book of the Kindred Sayings, pp. 109-110), and the Haritamata, Vaddhaki-Siikara, Kumma Sapinda, Tachchha Sukara, and the Bhaddasala Jatakas. It is said that after Ajatasatru murdered Bimbisara, his father, the queen Kosala Devi died of love for him. Even after her death Ajatasatru still enjoyed the revenues of the Kasi village which had been given to the lady Kosala for bath money. But Pasenadi, the king of Kosala, determined that no par- ricide should have a village which was his by right of inheritance and made war upon Ajatasatru. Sometimes the uncle got the best of it, and sometimes the nephew. On one occasion the Kosalan monarch fled away in defeat ; on another occasion he took Ajatasatru prisoner. His daughter Vajira he gave in marriage to his captive nephew and dismissed her with the Kasi village for her bath money. It is stated in the Bhaddasala Jataka that during Pasenadi's absence in a country town, Digha Charayana, the Commander-in-Chief, raised prince Vidudabha to the throne. The ex-king sent out for Rajagaha, resolved to take his nephew (Ajatasatru) with him and capture Viducjahha. But he died from exposure outside the gates of R&jagaha. 106 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA The traditional account of Ajatas'atru-Kunika's war with Vaisali is given by Jaina writers. King Seniya Bimbisara is said to have given his famous elephant Seyanaga together with a huge necklace of eighteen strings of jewels, to his younger son Vehalla by his wife Chellana, the daughter of King Chetaka of Vaisali. His eldest son Kuniya (Ajatas'atru) after usurping his father's throne, on the instigation of his wife Paumaval demanded from his younger brother the return of both gifts. On the latter refusing to give them up and flying with them to his grandfather Chetaka in Vaisali, Kuniya having failed peacefully to obtain the extradition of the fugitive, commenced war with Chetaka (Uvasagadasao, II Appen- dix, p. 7). According to Buddhaghosha's commentary the Sumangala vilasini (Burmese Edition, Part II, p. 99) the cause of the war was a breach of trust on the part of the Lichchhavis in connection with a mine of precious gems. The preliminaries to the struggle between Magadha and Vaisali are described in the Mahavagga and the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta. In the Mahavagga it is related that Sunidha and Vassakara, two ministers of Magadha, were building a fort at Pataligama in order to repel the Vajjis. The Mahaparinibbana Suttanta says " the Blessed One was once dwelling in llaia^aha on the hill called the Vulture's Peak. Now at that time Ajata- sattu Vedehiputta, the king of Magadha, was desirous of attacking the Vajjians ; and he said to himself, ■ I will root out these Vajjians, mighty and powerful though they be, I will destroy these Vajjians, I will bring these Vajjians to utter ruin.' So he spake to the Br&hmana Va9sakara, the prime minister of Magadha, and said Come now, Brahmana, do you go to the Blessed One, and ... tell him that Ajatasatru...has resolved ' I will root out these Vajjians '... ajAtaSatru 107 Vassakara hearkened to the words of the king ..." (and delivered to the Buddha the message even as the king had commanded). In the Nirayavali Sutra it is related that when Kunika (Ajatasatru) prepared to attack Chetaka of Vaisali the latter called together the eighteen Ganarajas of Kasi and Kosala, together with the Lichchhavis and Mallakis, and asked them whether they would satisfy Kunika's demands, or go to war with him. The good relations subsisting between Kosala and Vaisali are referred to in the Majjhima Nikaya, Vol. II, p. 101. There is thus no reason to doubt the authenticity of the Jaina statement regarding the alliance between Kasi-Kosala on the one hand and Vaisali on the other. It seems that all the enemies of Ajatasatru including the rulers of Kasi-Kosala and Vais'all offered a combined resistance. The Kosalan war and the Vajjian war were probably not isolated events but parts of a common movement directed against the establishment of the hegemony of Magadha. This struggle reminds us of the tussle of the Samnites, Etruscans and Gauls with the rising Roman power. In the war with Vaisali Kuniya Ajatasatru is said to have made use of Mahasilakantaga and rahamusala. The first seems to have been some engine of war of the nature of a catapult which threw big stones. The second was a chariot to which a mace was attached and which, running about, effected a great execution of men (Uvasagadasao, Vol. II, Appendix, p. CO). The rahamusala may be compared to the tanks used in the great European war. The war synchronised with the death of Gosala Mankhaliputta. Sixteen years later at the time of Mahavlra's death the anti-Magadhan confederacy was still in existence. We learn from the Kalpa Sutra that 108 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA on the death of Mahiivlra the confederate kings mention- ed in the Nirayavall Sutra instituted a festival to be held in memory of that event. The struggle between the Magadha king and the powers arrayed against him thus seems to have been protracted for more than sixteen years. The Atthakatha gives an account of the Machiavellian tactics adopted by Magadha statesmen to sow the seeds of dissension among the Vaisalians and thus bring about their downfall (of. Modern Review, July 1919, pp. 55-56). The absorption of Vaisali and Kasi as a result of the Kosalan and Vajjian wars probably brought the aspiring ruler of Magadha face to face with the equally ambitious sovereign of Avanti. We have already referred to a state- ment of the Majjhima Nikilya that on one occasion Ajata- satru was fortifying his capital because he was afraid of an invasion of his dominions by Pradyota. We do not know whether the attack was ever made. Ajatasatru does not appear to have succeeded in humbling Avanti. The con- quest of that kingdom was reserved for his successors. In the opinion of Mr. Jayaswal the Parkham statue is a contemporary portrait of king Ajatasatru. But this view has not met with general acceptance. III. Ajatas'atru's Successors. Ajatasatru was succeeded according to the Puranas In Dars'aka. Prof. Geiger considers the insertion of Darsaka after Ajatasatru to be an error, because the Pfili Canon indubitably asserts that Udayibhadda was the son of Ajatas'atru and probably also his successor. Jaina tradi- tion recorded in the Pari sishtapar van (p. 42) also repre- sents Udayin as the immediate successor of Kfmika. Though the reality of the existence of Dars'aka, as king of Magadha, is established by the discovery of Bhasa's Svapna-Vasavadatta, yet in the face of Buddhist and ajataSatrips SUCCESSORS 109 Jaina evidence it cannot be confidently asserted that he was the immediate successor of Ajatas'atru. Prof. Bhandar- kar identities him with Naga-Dasaka who is represented by the Ceylonese Chronicles as the last king of Bimbisara's line. The Ceylonese tradition seems to be confirmed by the following passage in Hiuen Tsang's Si-yu-ki, " To the south-west of the old Sangharama about 100 li is the Sangharama of Ti-lo-shi-kia...It was built by the last descendant of Bimbisara raja" (I3eal, Si-yu-ki, II, p. 102). The name of the second Sangharama was probably derived from that of Darsaka who is here represented as the last descendant of Bimbisara. Udayin : Before his accession to the throne Udayin or Udayibhadda, the son of Ajatas'atru, seems to have acted as his father's Viceroy at Champa (Jacobi, Parisishta parvan, p. 42). The Paris'ishtaparvan further informs us that be founded a new capital on the bank of the Ganges which came to be known as Pataliputra. This part of the Jaina tradition is confirmed by the testimony of the Vayu Purana according to which Udaya built the city of Kusumapura in the fourth year of his reign. The Paris'ishtaparvan (pp. 45-4-6) refers to the king of Avanti as the enemy of Udayin. This does not seem to be impro- bable in view of the fact that his father had to fortify his capital in expectation of an attack about to be made by Pradyota king of Avanti. The fall of Anga and Vaisali and the discomfiture of Kosala had left Avanti the only important rival of Magadha. This last kingdom had absorbed all the kingdoms and republics of eastern India. On the other hand, if the Kathasaritsagara (Tawney's Translation, Vol. II, p. 484) is to be believed the kingdom of Kaus'&mbl was at this time annexed to the realm of Palaka of Avanti, the successor of Pradyota. The two kingdoms, Magadha and Avanti, were brought face to face with each other. The contest between the two for the U0 POLITICAL. HISTORY OF INDIA mastery of northern India began, as wo have seen, in the reign of Ajatas'atru. It must have continued during the reign of Udayin. The issue was finally decided in the time of Sis'unaga. In the opinion of Mr. Jayaswal one of the famous " Patna Statues " in the Bharhut Gallery of the Indian Museum is a portrait of Udayin. According to him the statue bears the following words : Bhage ACHO chhonidhise. He identifies ACHO with king Aja mentioned in the Bhagavata list of Sais'unaga kings, and with Udayin of the Matsya, Vayu and Brahmanda lists. Mr. Jayaswal's reading and interpretation of the inscription have not, however, been accepted by several scholars including Dr. Barnett, and Professors Chanda and Majumdar. Dr. Smith, however, while unwilling to dogmatize, was of opinion that the statue was pre-Maurya. In the third edition of his " Asoka " he considers Mr. Jayas- wal's theory as probable. The characters of the short inscription on the statue are so difficult to read that it is well-nigh impossible to come to a final decision. For the present the problem must be regarded as not yet definitely solved. Cunningham described the statue as that of a Yaksha. According to him the figure bore the words u Yakhe Achusanigika." Prof. Chanda's reading is : Bha (?) ga Achachha nivika (the owner of inexhaustible capital, i.e., Vaisravana).1 Dr. Majumdar reads : Gate (Yakhe ?) Lechchhai (vi) 40, 4. Udayin's successors according to the Puranas were Nandivardhana and Mahanandin. But the Ceylonese chronicles place after Udaya the kings named Anuruddha, Munda and Naga Dasaka. Here again the Ceylonese account is partially confirmed by the Anguttara Nikaya 1 Indian Antiquary, March, 1019. AJATASATRU'S SUCCESSORS 111 which refers to Munda, King of Pataliputra. Prof. Bhandarkar mentions his queen Bhadradevl and treasurer Priyaka. The Auguttara Nikaya by mentioning Patali- putra as the capital of Munda indirectly confirms the tradition regarding the transfer of the Magadhan metro- polis from Rajagriha to Kusumapura or Pataliputra. The Ceylonese chronicles state that all the kings from Ajatasatru to Naga-Dasaka were parricides. The people became angry, banished the dynasty and raised an nmcitya named Susu Nflga (Sisunaga) to the throne. The new king seems to have been acting as the Magadhan Viceroy at Benares. The Puranas tell us that " placing his son at Benares he will make Girivraja his own abode." The employment of amatyas as provincial governors need not cause surprise. The custom was prevalent as late as the time of Gautamiputra Satakarni. The Puranic statement that Sis'unaga destroyed the power of the Pradyotas proves the correctness of the Ceylonese tradition that he came after Bimbisara who was a contemporary of Pradyota. In view of this we cannot accept the other Puranic statement that Sisunaga was the progenitor of Bimhisara's family. It may be argued that as Sis'unaga had his capital at Girivraja he must have flourished before TJHayin who was the first to remove the capital to Pataliputra. But the fact that Kalasoka, the son and successor of Sis'unaga, had to retransfer the royal resi- dence from Rajagriha to Pataliputra (SBE, XT, p. xvi) shows that one of his predecessors had reverted to the old capital. Who this predecessor was is made clear by the Puranic statement that Sisunaga * will make Girivraja his own abode." '\ he inclusion of Benares within Sisunaga's dominions also proves that he came after Bimbisara and Ajatasatru who were the first to establish Magadhan authority in Kas'i. 15 112 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Erora a statement in the Malalankaravatthu, a Pali work of modern date, but following very closely the more ancient books, it appears that $is'unaga had a royal residence at Vaisali which ultimately became his capital (SBE, XI, p. xvi). " That , monarch (Susunaga), not unmindful of his mother's origin, re-established the city of Vesali, and fixed in it the royal residence. From that time Rajagaha lost her rank of royal city which she never afterwards recovered." This passage which says that Rajagriha lost her rank of royal city from the time of Sis'unaga, proves that Sis'unaga came after the palmy days of Rajagriha, i.e., the period of Bimbisara and Ajatasatru. The most important achievement of Sis'unaga seems to have been the annihilation of the power and prestige of the Pradyota dynasty of Avanti. Pradyota, the first king of the line, had been succeeded by Palaka after whom came Aryaka. The Puranas place after Aryaka or Ajaka a king named Nandivardhana, or Vartivardhana (Avanti- vardhana ?), and add that Sis'unaga will destroy the prestige of the Pradyotas and be king. Mr. Jayaswal identifies Ajaka and Nandivardhana of the Avanti list with Aja-Udayin and Nandivardhana of the Puranic list of Saisunaga kings. But Prof. Bhandarkar says that Aryaka or Ajaka was the son of Gopala, the elder brother of Palaka. The important tiling to remember is that the Pradyota dynasty was humbled by Sis'unaga. Whether the Saisunaga occupation of Avanti took place immediately after Palaka, or two generations later, is immaterial. Sis'unaga was succeeded according to the Puranas by his son Kakavarna, according to the Ceylonese chronicles by his son Kalasoka. Professors Jacobi, Geiger and Bhandarkar suggest that Kalas'oka, "the black Asoka" and Kakavarna, " the crow-coloured " are one and the same person. This conclusion is confirmed by the evidence ajAtaSatru's successors us of the As'okavadana which places Kfikavarnin after Munda, and does not mention Kalasoka (Geiger, Maha- vamsa, p. xli). The two most important events of the reign of Kalasoka are the holding of the Second Buddhist Council at Vaisali, and the retransfer of the capital to Pataliputra. Bana in his Harshacharita (edited by Kasinath Pandurang Parab, p. 223) gives a curious legend concerning the death of Kakavarna (Kalas'oka). It is stated there that Kakavarna &ais'unagi had a dagger thrust into his throat in the vicinity of his city. The story about the tragic end of Kakavarna-Kalasoka is, as we shall see later, confirmed by Greek evidence. The successors of Kalasoka were his ten sons who are supposed to have ruled simultaneously. Their names according to the Mahabodhivamsa were Bhadrasena, Korandavarna, Mangura, Sarvanjaha, Jalika, Ubhaka, Safijaya, Koravya, Nandivardhana and Panchamaka. Prof. Bhandarkar suggests that Nandivardhana of the Mahabodhivamsa is most probably Nandivardhana of the Puranic list. Mr. Jayaswal says that the headless Patna statue in the Bharhut Gallery of the Indian Museum is a portrait of this king. According to him the inscription on the statue is as follows : — Sapa (or Sava) khate Vata Namdi. He regards Vata Namdi as an abbreviation of Vartivar- dhana (the name of Nandivardhana in the Vayu list) and Nandivardhana. Mr. R. D. Banerji in the June number of the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, 1919, says that there cannot be two opinions about the reading Vata Namdi. Prof. Chanda, however, regards the statue in question as an image of a Yaksha and reads the inscription which it bears as follows : — Yakha sa (?) rvata namdi. 114 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Dr. Majumdar says that the inscription may be read as follows : — Yak he sam Vajinam 70. He places the inscription in the second century A. D., and supports the Yaksha theory propounded by Cunning- ham and upheld by Prof. Chanda. He does not agree with those scholars who conclude that the statue is a por- trait of a &aisunaga sovereign simply because there are some letters in the inscription under discussion which may be construed as a name of a Saisunaga. Referring to Mr. Jayaswal's suggestion that the form Vata Namdi is composed of two variant proper names (Vartivardhana and Namdivardhana) he says that Chandragupta II was also known as Devagupta, and Vigrahapala had a second name ^urapala ; but who has ever heard of compound names like Chandra-Deva or Deva-Chandra, and $ura- Vigraha or Vigraha-$ura ? Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad ^astri takes Vata Namdi to mean Vratya Namdi and says that the statue has most of the articles of dress as given by Katyayana to the Vratya Kshatriya. In the Puranas the Sisunaga kings are mentioned as Kshattrabandhus, i. e., Vratya Kshatriyas. The Mahamahopadhyaya thus inclines to the view of Mr. Jayaswal that the statue in question is a portrait of a Sais'unaga king.1 Mr. Ordhendra Coomar Gangoly regards the statue as a Yaksha image, and draws our attention to the catalogue of Yakshas in the Mahamayuri and the passage " Nandi cha Vardhanas chaiva nagare Nandi- vardhane." 2 Dr. Barnett is also not satisfied that the four syllables which may bo read as Vata Nariidi mention the name of a Sais'unaga king. Dr. Smith however in the third edition of his " As'oka " admits the possibility * JBORS, December, 1919. « Modem Rotiow, October, 1919. AJATA&ATltU'S SUCCESSORS 115 of Mr. Jayaswal's contention. We regard the problem as still unsolved. The data at our disposal are too scanty to warrant the conclusion that the inscription on the Patna statue mentions a Sais'unaga king. The script seems to be late. Messrs. R. D. Banerji and Jayasvval propose to identify Nandivardhana, the ^aisuna^a king, with Nandaraja mentioned in the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela king of Kalinga. One of the passages containing the name of Nandaraja runs thus : — Pamchame cha dani vase Na (m) da-raja-tivasasata-o (gha?j fitam Tanasuliyavata panadim nagaram pavesa... "In the fifth year he had an aqueduct that had not been used for 300 (or 103) years since king Nanda conducted into the city." Nandivardhana is identified with Nanda on the strength of Kshemendra's reference to the Purvanandah who, we are told, should be distinguished from the Navanandah or Later Nandas, and identified with Nandivardhana and Mahanandin (The Oxford History of India, Additions and Corrections). In the Katha Sarit-Sagara, however, Purvananda is distinguished, not from the Navanandah, but from Yoganauda. The Puranas and the Ceylonese authorities know of the existence of only one Nanda line. The Puranas and the Mahabodhivamsa represent Nandi- vardhana as a king of the Saisunaga lino —a dynasty which is sharply distinguished from the Nandas. Moreover, as Prof. Chanda points out (Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 1, p. 11), the Puranas contain nothing to show that Nandivardhana had anything to do with Kalinga. On the contrary we are distinctly told by those authorities that when the kings of the &aisunaga dynasty and their predecessors were reigning in Magadha 32 kings reigned in Kalinga in succession synchronously. It is not Nandivardhana but Mahapadma Nanda who is 116 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA said to have brought " all under his sole sway " and " uprooted all Kshatriyas." So we should identify Namdaraja of the Hathigumpha inscription who held possession of Kalinga either with the all-conquering Mahapadma Nanda or one of his sons. We learn from the Puranas as well as the Ceylonese Chronicles that the Sais'unaga dynasty was supplanted bv the Kanda line. IV. The Chronology of the Bimbisara-Sisunaga Group. There is considerable disagreement between the Puranas and the Ceylonese Chronicles regarding the chronology of the kings of the Bimhisarian (or Naga) and Sais'unaga dynasties. Even Dr. Smith is not dis- posed to accept all the dates given in the Puranas. Prof Bhandarkar observes (Carm. Lee, 1918, p. 68)" they (the Puranas) assign a period of 363 years to ten consecutive reigns, i. e., at least 36 years to each reign which is quite preposterous." According to the Ceylonese Chronicles Bimbisara ruled for fifty-two years, Ajatasatru for 32 years, Udaya for 16 years, Anuruddha and Munda for 8 years, Nagadasaka for 24 years, Susunaga for 18 years, Kalasoka for 28 years, and Kalasoka's sons for 22 years. Gautama Buddha died when Ajatasatru was on the throne for 8 years (Carm. Lee, p. 70), i. c, 52+8=60 years after the accession of Bimbisara. Fleet and Geiger adduce good grounds for believing that the Parinirvana really took place in 483 B. C. (JRAS, 1909, pp. 1-34; Geiger, Mahavamsa, p. xxviii). Adding 60 to 483 B. C. we get the year 543 B. C. as the date of the accession of Bimbisara. In the time of Bimbisara Gandhara was an independent kingdom ruled by a king named Pukkusati. By B. C. 516 Gandbara had lost its independence and had become subject to Persia, as we know from the Behistun THE NANDAS 117 inscription of Darius. It is thus clear that Pukkusati and his contemporary Bimbisara lived before B. C. 516. This accords with the chronology which places his accession in B. C. 543. Curiously enough this is the starting point of one of the traditional Nirvana eras. Prof. Geiger shows that the dates 544 (543 according to some scholars) and 48'i were starting points of two distinct eras. He proves that in Ceylon down to the beginning of the eleventh century A. D. the Nirvana era was reckoned from 483 B. C. There can thus be no doubt that the era of 483 B. C. was the real Nirvana era. What then was the origin of the era of 544 or 543 B. C. ? It is not altogether improbable that this era was reckoned from the accesion of Bimbisara, and was at first current in Magadha. Later on it travelled to distant lands in- cluding Ceylon and was confounded writh the Nirvana era of 483 B. C. Then the real Nirvana era fell into disuse, and the era of 544 B. C. came to occupy its place. V. The Nakdas. We have seen that the ^ais'unaga dynasty was supplant- ed by the line of Nanda. The name of the first Nanda was Mahapadma according to the Puranas, and Ugrasena according to the Mahabodhivamsa. The Puranas describe him as Sudragarbhodbhava, i.e., born of a Sudra mother. The Jaina Parisishtaparvan (p. 46) represents Nanda as the son of a courtesan by a barber. The Jaina tradition is strik- ingly confirmed by the classical accounts of the father of Alexander's Magadhan contemporary. Curtius says (McCrindle, The Invasion of India by Alexander, p. 222) 11 His (Agrammes', i. e., the last Nanda's) father (i. e., the first Nanda) was in faet a barber, scarcely staving off hunger by his daily earnings, but who, from his being not uncomely in person, had gained the affections of the 118 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA queen, and was by her influence advanced to too near a place in the confidence of the reigning monarch. After- wards, however, he treacherously murdered his sovereign ; and then, under the pretence of acting as guardian to the royal children, usurped the supremo authority, and hav- ing put the young princes to death begot the present king." The murdered sovereign seems to have been Kalasoka-Kakavarna who had a tragic end as we know from the Harshacharita. Kakavarna Saisunagi, says Bana, had a dagger thrust into his throat in the vicinity of his city. The young princes referred to by Curtius were evidently the sons of Kalasoka-Kakavarna. The Greek account of the rise of the family of Agrammes fits in well with the Ceylonese account of the end of the $aisunaga line and the rise of the Nandas, but not with the Puranic story which represents the first Nanda as a son of the last ^aisunaga by a $udra woman, and makes no mention of the young princes. The name Agrammes is probably a corruption of the Sanskrit Augrasainya, " son of Ugrasena." Ugrasena is, as we have seen, the name of the first Nanda according to the Mahabodhi- vamsa. His son may aptly be termed Augrasainya which the Greeks corrupted into Agrammes and later on into Xandrames. The Matsya, Vayu and Brahmanda Puranas call Mahapndma, the first Nanda king, the destroyer of all the Kshatriyas (Sarva Kshatrantaka) and sole monarch (ekarat) of the earth which was under his undisputed sway which terms imply that he overthrew all the dynasties which ruled contemporaneously with the 6ais'unagas, viz., the Ikshvakus, Haihayas Kalirigas, As'makas, Siirasenas, etc. The Puranic account of the unification of a consi- derable portion of India under Nanda's sceptre is corrobo- rated by the classical writers who speak of the most power- ful peoples who dwelt beyond the Beas in the time of THE NANDAS 119 Alexander as being under one sovereign who had his capital at Palibothra (Pataliputra). The inclusion of Kosala within Nanda's dominions seems to be implied by a passage of the Kathasaritsagara (Tawney's Trans- lation, p. 21) which refers to the camp of king Nanda in Ayodhya. Several Mysore inscriptions state that Kuntala, a province which included the southern part of the Bombay Presidency and the north of Mysore, was ruled by the Nandas (Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the In- scriptions, p. 3). But these are of comparatively modern date, the twelfth century, and too much cannot be built upon their statements. More important is the evidence of the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela which mentions Nandaraja in connection with an aqueduct of Kalinga. The passage in the inscription seems to imply that Nandaraja held sway in Kalinga. A second passage of Khara vela's inscription seems to state that king Nanda carried away as trophies the statue (or footprints) of the first Jina and heirlooms of the Kalinga kings to Magadha (JBOItS, 11)17, December, pp. 447, 457-458). In view of Nanda's possession of Kalinga, the conquest of regions ly- ing further south does not seem to be altogether improbable. The Matsya Purana assigns 88 years to the reign of the first Nanda, but 88 (Ashtasiti) is probably a mistake for 28 (Ashtavimsati), as the Vayu assigns only 28 years. According to Taranath Nanda reigned 29 years (Ind. Ant., 1875, p. 362). According to the Ceylonese accounts the Nandas ruled only for 22 years. Mahapadma-Ugrasena was succeeded by his eight sons who ruled for twelve years according to the Puranas. The Ceylonese Chronicles, as we have already seen, give the total length of the reign-period of all the nine Nandas as 22 years. The Puranas mention only the name of one son of Mahapadma, viz., Sukalpa. The Mahabodhivamsa gives the following names, Panduka, Pandugati, Bhutapala, 16 120 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Bashtrapala, Govishanaka, Dasa9iddhaka, Kaivarta and Dhana. The last king is called by the classical writers Agrammes or Xandraines. Agrammes is, as we have seen, probably the Greek corruption of the Sanskrit patronymic Augrasainya. The first Nanda left to his sons not only a big empire but also a large army and a full exchequer. Curtius tells us that Agrammes king of the Gangaridae and the Prasii kept in the field for guarding the approaches to his country 20,000 cavalry and 200,000 infantry, besides 2,000 four-horsed chariots, and, what was the most formidable force of all, a troop of elephants which, he said, ran up to the number of 3,000. Diodorus and Plutarch give similar accounts. But they raise the number of elephants to 4,000 and 6,000 respectively. The enormous wealth of the Nandas is referred to by several writers. Prof. S. K. Aiyangar points out (Begin- nings of South Indian History, p. 89) that a Tamil poem contains an interesting statement regarding the wealth of the Nandas " which having accumulated first in Patali, hid itself in the floods of the Ganges." The Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang refers to " the five treasures of king Nanda's seven precious substances." A passage of the Kathasarit- sagara says (Tawney's Translation, Vol. I, p. 21) that king Nanda possessed 990 millions of gold pieces. The Ashtadhyayi of Panini, translated by Mr. S. C. Vasu contains a rule (Sutra II. 4>. 21) as an illustration of which the following passage is cited : Nandopakramani manani. This indicates that one of the Nanda kings was credited with the invention of a particular kind of measures. We learn from Kautilya's Arthasastra, Kamandaka's Nltisara, the Puranas, and the Mudrarakshasa that the Nanda dynasty was overthrown by Kautilya the famous THE NANDAS 121 minister of Chandragupta Maurya. No detailed account of this great dynastic revolution has survived. The accumulation of an enormous amount of wealth by the Nanda kings probably implies a good deal of financial extortion. Moreover, we are told by the classical writers that Agrammes (the last Nanda) " was detested and held cheap by his subjects as he rather took after his father than conducted himself as the occupant of a throne " (M'Crindle, The Invasion of India by Alexander, p. 222). The Puranic passage about the revolution stands as follows : Uddharishyati tan sarvan Kautilyo vai dvir ashtabhih Kautilyas Chandraguptam tu Tato rajye' bhishekshyati. Mr. Jayasvval (Ind. Ant., 1914, p. 124) proposes to read Virashtrabhih instead of dvirashtabhili. Virashtras he takes to mean the Arattas, and adds that Kautilya was helped by the Arattas " the band of robbers " of Justin. The Milinda-Panho {cf. SEE., XXXVI, pp. 147-48) refers to an episode of the great struggle between the Nandas and the Mauryas : " there was Bhaddasala, the soldier in the service of the royal family of Nanda, and he waged war against king Chandagutta. Now in that war, Nagasena, there were eighty Corpse dances. For they say that when one great Head Holocaust has taken place (by which is meant the slaughter of ten thousand ele- phants, and a lac of horses, and five thousand charioteers, and a hundred kotis of soldiers on foot), then the head- less corpses arise and dance in frenzy over the battle- field." The passage contains a good deal of what is untrustworthy. But we have here a reminiscence of the bloody encounter between the contending forces of the Nandas and the Mauryas (cf. Ind. Ant., 1914, p. 12 1 n.). 122 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA THE PERSIAN AND MACEDONIA N INVASIONS. While the kingdoms and republics of the Indian interior were gradually being merged in the Magadha Empire, those of North- West India were passing through vicissitudes of a different kind. In the first half of the sixth century B. C. the Uttarapatha beyond the Madhya- des'a, like the rest of India, was parcelled out into a number of small states the most important of which were Gandhara and Kamboja. No sovereign arose in this part of India capable of welding together the warring communities, as Ugrasena-Mahapadma had done in the East. The whole region was at once wealthy and disunited, and formed the natural prey of the strong Achsemenian monarchy which grew up in Persia. Kurush or Cyrus (558-529 B.C.) the founder of the Persian Empire is said to have led an expedition against India through Gedrosia but had to abandon the enterprise, escaping with seven men only (H. and F. Strabo, III., p. 74). But he was more successful in the Kabul valley. We learn from Pliny that he destroyed the famous city of Kapis'a. Arrian informs us (Chinnock's Edition, p. 399) that " the district west of the river Indus as far as the river Cophen (Kabul) is inhabited by the Astacenians ( Asvatakas, ? Mbh. VI. 51) and the Assacenians (Asmakas), Indian tribes. These were in ancient times subject to the Assyrians, afterwards to the Medes, and finally they submitted to the Persians, and paid tribute to Cyrus the son of Cambyses as ruler of their land." Strabo tells us that on one occasion the Persians summoned the Hydraces (the Kshudrakas) from India (i.e., the Panjab) to attend them as mercenaries. PERSIAN AND MACEDONIAN INVASIONS Hi In the Behistun inscription ' of Darayavaush or Darius, (522-486 B.C.), the third sovereign of the Achaemenian dynasty, the people of Gandhara (Gadara) appear among the subject peoples of the Persian Empire. But no mention is there made of the Hidus (people of the Indus Valley) who are included with the Gandharians in the lists of subject peoples given by the inscriptions on the palace of Darius at Persepolis, and on his tomb at Naksh- i-Rustum.1 From this Rapson infers that the Indians (Hidus) were conquered at some date between 516 B. C, (the date of the Behistun inscription) and the end of the reign of Darius in 486 B. C. The preliminaries to this conquest are described by Herodotus (M'Crindle, Ancient India as described in Classical Literature, pp. 4-5) " he (Darius) being desirous to know in what part the Indus, which is the second river that produces crocodiles, discharges itself into the sea, sent in ships both others on whom he could rely to make a true report and also Scylax of Caryauda. They accordingly setting out from the city of Caspatyrus and the country of Paktyike sailed down the river towards the east and sunrise to the sea ; then sailing on the sea westwards, they arrived in the thirtieth month at that place where the king of Egypt despatched the Phoenicians, to sail round Libya. After these persons had sailed round, Darius subdued the Indians and frequented the sea." Herodotus tells us that " India " constituted the twentieth and the most populous satrapy of the Persian Empire, and that it paid a tribute proportionately larger than all the rest, 360 talents of gold dust. Gandhara was included in the seventh satrapy. The details regard- ing India left by Herodotus leave no room for doubt that it embraced the Indus valley and was bounded on the 1 Ancient Persian Lexicon and the Texts of tho Achaotuenidan Inscriptions by H. C. Tolman. 1U POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA east by the desert of Rajaputana. " That part of India towards the rising sun is all saud ; for of the people with whom we are acquainted, the Indians live the furthest towards the east and the sunrise, of all the inhabitants of Asia, for the Indians' country towards the east is a desert by reason of the sands." Khshayarsha or Xerxes (480-464 B.C.), the son and successor of Darius, maintained his hold on the Indian pro- vinces. In the great army which he led against Hellas both Gandhara and " India " were represented. The Gandha- rians are described by Herodotus as bearing bows of reed and short spears, and the " Indians " as being clad in cotton garments and bearing cane bows with arrows tipped with iron. An interesting relic of Persian influence in India is a Taxila inscription in Aramaic characters of the fourth or fifth century B.C. (JRAS., 1915, pp, 340-47). Indians figured in the army which Darius Codomannus (335-330 B.C.) led against Alexander. " The Indians who were conterminous with the Bactrians, as also the Bactrians themselves and the Sogdianians had come to the aid of Darius, all being under the command of Bessus, the Viceroy of the land of Bactria. They were followed by the Sacians, a Scythian tribe belonging to the Scythians who dwell in Asia. These were not subject to Bessus but were in alliance with Darius.... Barsaentes, the Viceroy of Arachotia, led the Arachotians and the men who were called mountaineer Indians... There were a few Elephants, about fifteen in number, belonging to the Indians who live this side of the Iudus. With these forces Darius had encamped at Gaugamela, near the river Bumodus, about 600 stades distant from the city of Arbela."1 The hold of the Achyemenians on the Indian provinces had, however, grown very feeble about this time, and the whole of north-western India was parcelled out into 1 Chinnock, Arrian's Anabasis, pp. 142-143. PERSIAN AND MACEDONIAN INVASIONS 125 innumerable kingdoms and republics. A list of the more important among these states is given below : — 1. The Aspasian territory : It lay in the difficult hill country north of the Kabul river. The chieftain of the Aspasians dwelt in a city on or near the river Euaspla, supposed to be identical with the Kunar, a tributary of the Kabul. Other Aspasian cities were Andaca and Arigaeum.1 2. The country of the Guraeans : It was washed by the river Guraeus (Pafijkora) and lay between the land of the Aspasians and the country of the Assakenians. 3. The kingdom of Assakenus : It had its capital at Massaga a ' ; formidable fortress probably situated not very far to the north of the Mala- kand Pass but not yet precisely identified." The name of the Assakenians represents the Sanskrit Asvaka or Asmaka. The Asmakas are mentioned by Panini (IV. 1. 173). They are placed in the north-west by the authors of the Markandeya Purana and the Brihat Sarhhita. A branch of this people probably settled in the Deccan, and gave their name to the Assaka Mahajana- pada mentioned in the Anguttara Nikaya. The Assakenian king had a powerful army of 20,000 cavalry, more than 30,000 infantry, and 30 elephants. The reigning king at the time of Alexander's invasion is called by the Greeks Assakenos. His mother was Kleophis. Assakenos had a brother (Invasion of Alexander, p. 378) called Eryx by Curtius and Aphrikes by Diodoros. 4. Peukelaotis : It lay on the road from Kabul to the Indus. Arrian tells us (Chinnock's Edition, p. 403) that the Kabul falls into the Indus in the land called Peukelaotis, taking with 1 Chinnock'a Arrian pp. 230-231. 126 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA itself the Malantus, Soastus and Guraeus. Peukelaotis represents the Sanskrit Pushkaravatl. It formed the western part of the old kingdom of Gandhara. The capital is represented by the modern Charsadda, 17 miles N. E. of Peshawar, on the Swat river, the Soastus of Arrian, and the Suvastu of the Vedic texts. The reigning king at the time of Alexander's invasion was Astes (Hasti P).1 He was defeated and killed by Hephaestion, a general of the Macedonian king. 5. Nysa : It was a small hill state with a republican constitution. It was alleged to have been founded by Greek colonists long before the invasion of Alexander.2 Arrian says (Chinnock's Edition, p. 399) " the Nysaeans are not an Indian race, but descended from the men who came into India with Dionysus." Curiously enough a Yona or Greek state is mentioned along with Kamboja in the Majjhima Nikaya (II. 149) as flourishing in the time of Gautama Buddha and Assalayana. According to Holdich the lower spurs and valleys of Koh-i-Mor are where the ancient city of Nysa once stood. At the time of Alexander's invasion the Nysaeans had Akouphis for their President. They had a Governing Body of 300 members (Invasion of Alexander, p. 81). 6. Taxila or Takshas'ila : Strabo says (H. & P.'s Ed. Ill, p. 90) "between the Indus and the Hydaspes (Jihlam) was Taxila, a large city, and governed by good laws. The neighbouring country is crowded with inhabitants and very fertile." The kingdom of Taxila formed the eastern part of the old kingdom of Gandhara. 1 Chinnock, A man's Anabasis of Alexander and Indica, p. 228. ■ M'Crindle, Invasion of Alexander, p. 79 ; Hamilton and Falconer, Btrabo, Vol. Ill, p. 76. PERSIAN AND MACEDONIAN INVASIONS 127 In B.C. 327 the Taxilian throne was occupied by a prince whom the Greeks called Taxiles. When Alexander of Macedon arrived in the Kabul valley he sent a herald to Taxiles to bid him come and meet him. Taxiles accord- ingly did come to meet him, bringing valuable gifts. When he died his son Mophis or Omphis (Sanskrit Ambhi) succeeded to the government. Curiously enough Kautilya, the famous minister, refers to a school of political philo- sophers called Ambhiyas, and Dr. E. W. Thomas connects them with Taxila (Barhaspatya Arthasastra, Introduction, P- 15). 7. Abhisara : Strabo says (H. & E.'s Ed. Ill, p. 90) that the kingdom was situated among the mountains above the Taxila country. The position of this state was correctly denned by Stein who observed that Darvabhisara {cf. Mbh. VII. 91.43) comprised the whole tract of the lower and middle hills lying between the Jihlam and the Chinab. Abisares, the contemporary of Alexander, was a shrewd politician of the type of Charles Emanuel III of Sardinia. When the Macedonian invader arrived he informed him that he was ready to surrender himself and the land which he ruled. And yet before the battle which was fought between Alexander and the famous Poros, Abisares intended to join his forces with those of the latter (Chinnock, Arrian, p. 276). 8. The kingdom of Arsakes : It represents the Sanskrit Urasa, the modern Hazara district. It adjoined the realm of Abisares. 9. The kingdom of the Elder Poros : It lay between the Jihlam and the Chinab and roughly corresponded to the modern districts of Jihlam, Guzrat and Shahpur. Strabo tells us (H. & E.'s Ed. Ill, p. 91) that it was an extensive and fertile district containing nearly 300 cities. Diodoros informs us (Invasion of 17 128 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Alexander, p. 274) that Poros had an army of more than 50,000 foot, above 3,000 horse, about 1,000 chariots, and 130 elephants. He was in alliance with Embisaros, i.e., the king of Abhisara. Poros probably represents the Sanskrit Puru or Paurava. In the Rig Veda the Piirus are expressly mentioned as on the Sarasvatl. In the time of Alexander we lind them on the Hydaspes (Jihlam). The Maha- bharata also refers to a " Puram Paurava-rakshitam " which lay not far from Kasmira (Sabha, 27, 15-17). It is suggested in the Vedic Index (Vol. II, pp. 12-13) that either the Hydaspes was the earlier home of the Purus, where some remained after the others had wandered east, or the later Purus represent a successful onslaught upon the west from the east. 10. The country of the people called Glauganicians by Aristobulus, Glausians (Govasas ? Mbh. VIII. 73.17) by Ptolemy : This country was conterminous with the dominion of Poros (Chinnock, Arrian, p. 276). 11. Gandaris : It lay between the Chinab and the Ravi and probably represented the easternmost part of the old Mahajanapada of Gandhara. It was ruled by the Younger Poros, nephew of the monarch who ruled the territory between the Jihlam and the Chinab. 12. The Adraistai (Adrijas ? Mbh. VII. 169. 5) : They dwelt on the eastern side of the Hydraotes or the Ravi, and their main stronghold was Pimprama. 13. Kathaioi or Cathaeans : Strabo says (H. & F.'s Ed. Ill, p. 92) "some writers place Cathaia and the country of Sopeithes, one of the nomarchs, in the tract between the rivers (Hydaspes and Acesines, i.e., the Jihlam and the Chinab) ; some on the other side of the Acesines and of the Hyarotis, on the PERSIAN AND MACEDONIAN INVASIONS 129 confines of the territory of the other Poros, the nephew of Poros who was taken prisoner by Alexander." The Kathaioi probably represent the Sanskrit Kantha (Panini, II. 4. 20) or Kratha (Mbh. VIII. 85.16). They were the head of the confederacy of independent tribes dwelling in the territory of which the centre was Sangala. This town was probably situated in the Gurudaspur district, not far from Fathgarh (JRAS., 1903, p. 687). The Kathaians enjoyed the highest reputation for courage and skill in the art of war. Onesikritos tells us that in Kathaia the handsomest man was chosen as king (M'Crindle, Ancient India as described in Classical Literature, p. 38). 14s. The kingdom of Sophytes (Saubhuti) : In the opinion of Smith, the position of this kingdom is fixed by the remark of Strabo (E. & F.'s Ed. Ill, p. 93) that it included a mountain composed of fossil salt sufficient for the whole of India; Sophytes was there- fore the " lord of the fastnesses of the Salt Range stretching from Jihlam to the Indus." But we have already seen that the classical writers agree in placing Sophytes' kingdom east of the Jiham. Curtius tells us (Invasion of India by Alexander, p. 219) that the nation ruled by Sopeithes (Sophytes), in the opinion of the " barbarians," excelled in wisdom, and lived under good laws and customs. They did not acknowledge and rear children according to the will of the parents, but as the officers entrusted with the medical inspection of infants might direct, for if they remarked anything deformed or defective in the limbs of a child they ordered it to be killed. In contracting marriages they did not seek an alliance with high birth, but made their choice by the looks, for beauty in the children was highly appreciated. Strabo informs us (H. & F. Ill, p. 93) that the dogs in the territory of Sopeithes (Sophytes) were 130 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA said to possess remarkable courage. We have some coins of Sophytes bearing on the obverse the head of the king, and on the reverse the figure of a cock. Strabo calls Sophytes a nomarch which probably indicates that he was not an independent sovereign, but only a viceroy of some other king. 15. The kingdom of Phegelas or Phegeus : It lay between the Hydraotes (Ravi) and the Hyphasis (Bias). The name of the king Phegelas, probably re- presents the Sanskrit Bhagala — the name of a royal race of Kshatriyas mentioned in the GanapHtba (Invasion of Alexander, p. 401). 16. The Siboi : They were the inhabitants of the Shorkot region in Jhang. They were probably identical with the Siva people mentioned in a passage of the Rig Veda (VII. 18.7) where they share with the Alinas, Pakthas, Bhalanases, and Visanins the honour of being defeated by Sudas (Vedic Index, Vol. II, pp. 381-382). The Jatakas mention a Sivi country and its cities Aritthapura (Ummadanti Jataka, No. 527 ; cf. Panini VI. 2. 100) and Jetuttara (Vessantara Jataka No. 547). It is probable that Siva, Sivi and Siboi were one and the same people. A place called Siva-pura, is mentioned by the Scholiast on Panini as situated in the northern country (Ved. Ind., II, p. 382). It is, doubt- less, identical with Sibipura mentioned in a Shorkot inscription edited by Vogel. In the opinion of that scholar the mound of Shorkot marks the site of this city of the Sibis. (Ep. Ind., 1921, p. 16.) The Siboi dressed themselves with the skins of wild beasts, and had clubs for their weapons. The nation had 40,000 foot soldiers in the time of Alexander. The Mahabharata (III. 130-131) refers to a rashtra of the Sivis ruled by king Us'lnara, which lay not far from the Yamuna. It is not altogether improbable that PERSIAN AND MACEDONIAN INVASIONS 181 the Usinara country (vide pp. 27, 28 ante) was at one time the home of the $ivis. We find them also in Madhyamika in Rajaputana (Carm. Lee. 1918, p. 173). 17. The Agalassoi : They lived near the Siboi. 18. The Sudracae or Oxydrakai : They dwelt on the banks of the Hyphasis (Bias). Their name represents the Sanskrit Kshudraka(Mbh. VII. 68.9). 19. The Malloi : They occupied the valley of the Hydraotes (Ravi), on both banks of the river. Their name represents the Sanskrit Malava. Weber informs us that Apisali, one of the teachers cited by Panini, speaks of the formation of the compound — " Kshaudraka-Malava." Dr. Smith pointed out that the Mahabharata coupled the tribes in question as forming part of the Kaurava host in the Kurukshetra war (EHL, 1914, p. 94 n ; Mbh. VI. 59.135). Curtius tells us (Invasion of Alexander, p. 234) that the Sudracae and the Malli had an army consisting of 90,000 foot soldiers, 10,000 cavalry and 900 war chariots. According to Sir R. G. Bhandarkar Panini refers to the Malavas as living by the profession of arms (Ind. Ant., 1913, p. 200). In later times the Malavas are found in Rajaputana, Avanti and the Mahl valley. 20. The Abastanoi : Diodorus calls them the Sambastai (Invasion of Alex- ander, p. 292), Arrian Abastanoi, Curtius Sabarcae, and Orosius Sabagrae. They were settled on the lower Akc- sines. Their name represents the Sanskrit Ambashtha. The Ambashthas are mentioned in several Sanskrit works. An Ambashtha king is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana (VIII. 21) whose priest was Narada. The Mahabharata (II. 52. 14-15) mentions the Ambashthas along with the 6ivis,Kshudrakas, Malavas and other north-western tribes. In the Barhaspatya Arthasastra (Ed. F. W. Thomas 132 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA p. 21) the Ambashtha country is mentioned in conjunction with Sind : Kasmira-Hun-Ambashtha-Sindhavah. In the Ambattha Sutta (Dialogues of the Buddha, Part I, p. 109) an Ambattha is called a Brahmana. In the Smriti literature, on the other hand, Ambashtha denotes a man of mixed Brahmana and Vaisya parentage. Ac- cording to Jataka IV. 363 the Ambatthas were farmers. It seems that the Ambashthas were a tribe who were at first mainly a fighting race, but some of whom took to other occupations, viz., those of priests, farmers, and according to the Smriti writers, physicians (Ambashthanam chikitsitam, Manu, X. 47). In the time of Alexander the Ambashthas were a powerful tribe having a democratic government. Their army consisted of 60,000 foot, 6,000 cavalry and 500 chariots (Invasion of Alexander, p. 252). 21. The Xathroi and the Ossadioi : The Xathroi are according to M'Crindle (Invasion of Alexander, p. ? 56 n.) the Kshatri of Sanskrit mentioned in the Laws of Manu as an impure tribe, being of mixed origin. V. de Saint-Martin suggests that in the Ossadioi we have the Vasati of the Mahabharata (VII. 19.11 ; 89.37; VIII. 44.46). 22. The Sodrai (Sogdoi) and the Massanoi (occupying N. Sind). 23. The kingdom of Mousikanos : It included a large part of modern Sind. Its capital has been identified with Alor in the Sukkur district. The following peculiarities of the inhabitants of the kingdom of Mousikanos are noticed by Strabo (H. and F., Ill, p. 96) : " The following are their peculiarities : to have a kind of Lacedaemonian common meal, where they eat in public. Their food consists of what is taken in the chase. They make no use of gold nor silver, although PERSIAN AMD MACEDONIAN INVASIONS 133 they have mines of these metals. Instead of slaves, they employed youths in the flower of their age, as the Cretans employ the Aphamiotse, and the Lacedaemo- nians the Helots. They study no science with attention but that of medicine ; for they consider the excessive pursuit of some arts, as that of war, and the like, to be committing evil. There is no process at law but against murder and outrage, for it is not in a person's own power to escape either one or the other ; but as contracts are in the power of each individual, he must endure the wrong, if good faith is violated by another ; for a man should be cautious whom he trusts, and not disturb the city with constant disputes in courts of justice." From the account left by Arrian it appears that the " Brachmans,*' i. Prachyaand the Madhyadesa, were directly ruled by the Emperor himself. Besides the Imperial Provinces Maury a India included a number of territories which enjoyed a certain amount of autonomy. Arrian refers' to cities which enjoyed a democratic Government (Chinnock, Arrian, p. d«13). Kautilya (p. 378) refers to a number of Saiighas, 204 POLITtCAL HISTORY OF INDIA Mahabharata, II. 31. 66, i. e. Cutch) which constitute the remainder of the coast. Apollodorus in short says that Bactriana is the ornament of all A.riana. They extended their empire even as far as the Seres and Phryni." (Strabo, Hamilton and Falconer, Vol. II, pp. 252-253.) Strabo gives the credit for spreading the Greek domi- nion furthest to the east into India partly to Menander and partly to Demetrios, son of Euthydemos and son-in- law of Antiochos the Great. Menander has been identified with the king Milinda who is mentioned in the Milindapanho as a contemporary of the Buddhist Thera Nagasena. This monarch was born at Kalsigrama (Trenckner, Milindapanho, p. 83) in the Island of Alasanda or Alexandria {ibid, p. 82) and had his capital at Sagala or Sakala, modern Siillkot, in the Panjab {ibid, pp. 3, 14), and not at Kabul as Dr. Smith seemed to think (EHL, 1914, p. 225). The extent of his conquest is indicated by the great variety and wide diffusion of his coins which have been found over a very wide extent of country, as far west as Kabul, and as far east as Mathura (SBE., Vol. XXXV, p. xx). The author of the Periplus states that small silver coins, inscribed with Greek charac- ters and bearing the name of Menander were still current in his time (cir. 60-80 A. D.) at the port of Barygaza (Broach). Plutarch tells us that Menander was noted for justice, and enjoyed such popularity with his subjects that upon his death, which took place in camp, diverse cities contended for the possession of his ashes. The state- ment of Plutarch is important as showing that Menan- der's dominions included many cities. Demetrios has been identified by some with king Dattamitra mentioned in the Mahabharata (1. 139. 23) and the " grete Emetreus, the king of Inde " of Chaucer's Knighte8 Tale. The wide extent of his conquests is proved by the existence of several cities named after him THE REIGN OF PUSHYAMITRA. 205 or his father in Afghanistan as well as India. Thus in the work of Isidore of Charax (JRAS., 1915, p. 830) we have a reference to a city named Demetrias Polis in Arachosia. The Mahabhashya mentions a city in Sauvira called Dilttamitri (Ind. Ant., 1911, Foreign Elements in the Hindu Population ; Bomb. Gaz., I. ii. 11). Ptolemy the Geographer mentions the city of Euthymedia (Euthy- demia ?) which was identical with Sakala (Ind. Ant., 1884, pp. 349-350) and was, according to the Milindapanho, the capital of the Indo-Greek Empire in the time of Menander. It is permissible to conjecture that one of the two con- quering kings, viz., Menander and Demetrios, was identi- cal with the, Yavana invader who penetrated to Saketa in Oudh, Madhyamika near Ohitor, and the river Sindhu in Central India, in the time of Pushyamitra. Goldstucker, Smith and many other scholars identified the invader with Menander who crossed the Hypanis and penetrated as far as the Isamus (Trisama ' ?). On the other hand, Prof. Bhandarkar suggested, in his Foreign Elements in the Hindu Population, the identification of the invader with Demetrios. "We learn from Polybius that Demetrios was a young man at the time of Antiochus Ill's invasion cir. 206 B. C. Justin says that Demetrios was* " king of the Indians " when Eukratides was king of the Bactrians and Mithridates was king of the Parthians. " Almost at the same time that Mithridates ascended the throne among the Parthians, Eukratides began to reign among the Bactrians ; both of them being great men ... Eukratides carried on several wars with great spirit, and though much reduced by his losses in them, yet, when he was besieged by Demetrios king of the .Indians, with a garri- son of only 300 soldiers, he repulsed, by continual sallies, 1 Trisams is a river mentioned in the Bhagavata Purana, together with the Kaufiiki, Mandukni, Yamuna, etc. 206 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA a force of 60,000 enemies." Dr. Smith assigns Mithridates to the period from 171 to 136 B. C. Eukra- tides and Demetrios must also be assigned to that period, that is, the middle of the second century B. C. We have seen that Demetrios was a young man and a prince in 205 B. C. We now find that he ruled as king of the Indians in the middle of the second century B. C. He was, therefore, the Indo-Greek contemporary of Pushyamitra Sunga who ruled from 185 to 149 B. C. Menander, on the other hand, must have ruled over the Indo-Greek kingdom much later, as will be apparent from the facts noted below. Justin tells us that Demetrios was deprived of his Indian possessions by Eukratides (Watson's Ed., p. 277). Eukratides was killed by his son with whom he had shared his throne (ibid, 277). The •identity of the parricide is uncertain but no one says that he was Menander.1 Justin furnishes the important information that the prince who murdered Eukratides was a colleague of his father. We know that Greek rulers who reigned conjoint- ly sometimes issued joint coins. Thus we have joint coins of Lysias and Antialkidas, of Strato and Agathok- leia, of Strato I and Strato II, and of Hermaios and Kalliope. The only Greeks whose names and portraits appear on a coin together with those of Eukratides are Heliokles and his wife Laodike. Gardner suggested that 1 According to Cunningham and Smith the parricide was Apollodotos. But Kapson shows good reasons for believing that Apollodotos did not belong to the family of Eukratides but was on the other hand a ruler of Kffpisa who was onsted by Eukratides (JRAS., 1905, pp. 784-785). Rawlinson points out (Intercourse between India and the Western World, p. 73) that Apollodotos uses the epithet Philopator, tuid the title would be somewhat incongruous if he were a parricide. It may be argued that the parricide was Apollodotos Soter and not Apollodotos Philopator, but we should remember that the titles Soter and Philopator sometimes occur on the same coin (Whitehead, Catalogue of Coins, p, 48) and therefore it is impossible to justify the separation of Apollodotos Soter and Apollodotos Philopator as two entities. THE REIGN OF PUSHYAMITRA 207 Heliokles and Laodike were the father and mother of Eukratides. But Von Sallet (Ind. Ant., 1880, p. 256) pro- posed an entirely different interpretation of the coins in question. He thought that they were issued by Eukra- tides, not in honour of his parents, but on the occesion of the marriage of his son Heliokles with a Laodike whom Von Sallet conjectured to have been daughter of Demetrios by the daughter of Antiochos III. If Von Sallet's conjec- ture be accepted then it is permissible to think that Heliokles was the colleague of Eukratides referred to by Justin, and the murderer of his father. It is clear from what has been stated above that Deme- trios was succeeded by Eukratides, who in his turn, was followed by Heliokles. Menander could not have reigned earlier than Heliokles. It may however be argued that after Demetrios the Indo-Greek kingdom split up into two parts, one part which included the Trans-Indus territories was ruled by Eukratides and his son, the other part which included Euthymedia or Sakala was ruled by Menander who thus might have been a younger contemporary of Eukratides (cir. 171 B.C.) and consequently of Pushya- mitra Sunga (cir. 185-149 B.C.). Now, the disruption of the Indo-Greek kingdom after Demetrios may be accepted as an historical fact. The existence of two rival Greek kingdoms in India and their mutual dissensions are proved by literary and numismatic evidence. The Puranas say : — Bhavishyantiha Yavana dharmatal? kamato'rthatal^ naiva murdhabhishiktas te bhavishyanti naradhipa\i yuga-dosha-duraehara bhavishyanti nripas tu te strlnam bala-vadhenaiva hatca chaiva parasparam. M There will be Yavanas here by reason of religious feeling or ambition or plunder ; they will not be kings solemnly anointed but will follow evil customs by reason 27 208 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA of the corruptions of the age. Massacring women and children and killing one another, kings will enjoy the earth at the end of the Kali age." (Pargiter.) The Gargt Samhita says — Madhyadese na sthasyanti'Yavana yuddha durmadah Teshamanyonya sambhava (?) bhavishyanti nasaihsiyah Atmachakrotthitam ghorarii yuddham paramadarunam " The fiercely fighting Greeks will not stay in the Madhya- desa ; there will be a cruel, dreadful war in their own kingdom, caused between themselves " (Kern, Brihat Samhita, p. 38). Coins bear testimony to struggles between kings of the house of Eukratides and kings of the family of Euthydemos. But the evidence which we have got clearly indicates that the contemporaries and rivals of Eukratides and Heliokles were Apollodotos, Agathokleia and Strato I, and not Menander. Certain square bronze coins of Eukratides have on the obverse a bust of the king and the legend Basileus Megalou Eukra tidou. On the reverse there is the f gure of Zeus and the legend Kavisiye. nagara-devata. They are often coins of Apollodotos restruck (llapson, J HAS., 1905, 785). From this it is clear that Apollodotos was a rival of Eukratides and was superseded in the rule of Kapis'a by the latter. Hapson further points out (JRAS., 1905, pp. 1G5 fT) that Heliokles restruck the coins of Agathokleia and Strato I ruling conjointly. Further, the restriking is always by Heliokles, never by Agathokleia and Strato I. From this it is clear that Agathokleia and Strato I ruled over an Indo-Greek principality either before, or in the time of Heliokles, but not after him. We have seen that according to the evidence of Justin and the Kapisa coins Kukratides fought against two rivals THE HEICiN OF PrSHYAMITRA 'u.i namely Demetrios and Apollodotos, his son Ileliokles also fought against two rivals, namely, Agathokleia and Strato I. As Demetrios and Apollodotos were both antagonists of Eukratides and used the same coin-types, the inevitable inference is that they were very near in time as well as in relationship to one another, in fact that one imme- diately followed the other. Now Demetrios was beyond doubt the son and successor of Euthydemos, consequently Apollodotos must have been his successor. As Heliokles was a son of Eukratides, the rival of Apollodotos, he must have been a younger contemporary of Apollodotos. Consequently Heliokles' antagonists Agathokleia and Strato I, whose coins he restruck, were very near in time to Apollodotos. Strato I later on ruled conjointly with his grandson Strato II. There is no room for the long and prosperous reign of Menander in the period which elapsed from Demetrios to Strato II. According to the Buddhist tradition recorded in the Milindapafiho, Milinda or Menander flourished" 500 years " (i. e.y in the fifth century, cf. Smith, EHI, 3rd edition, 328) after the Parinirvana (parinibbanato panchavassasate atikkante ete upajjissanti, Trenckner, the Milinda-panho, p. 3). This tradition probably points to a date in the first century B. C. for Menander. Thus both according to numismatic evidence and literary tradition Menander could not have been the Indo-Greek contemporary of Pushyamitra Siuisra. It is Demetrios who should, there- fore, be identified with the Yavana invader referred to by Patanjali and Kalidasa. The Ascamedha Sacrifice. After the victorious wars with Vidarbha and the Yavanas Pushyamitra celebrated a horse-sacrifice. This sacrifice is regarded by some scholars as marking an early stage in the 210 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA. Bralimanical reaction which was fully developed five cen- turies later in the time of Samudra Gupta and his successors. Late Buddhist writers are alleged to represent Pushyamitra as a cruel persecutor of the religion of $akyamuni. But the Buddhist monuments at Bharhut erected "duriiuj the supremacy of the Surigas " do not bear out the theory that the Sungas were the leaders of a militant BrahmanNm. Though staunch adherents of orthodox Hinduism the Suiigas do not appear to have been so intolerant as some writers represent them to be. The 3Iunf?,ipa?'ishad in (he ISuhga Period. If Kalidasa is to be believed the Mantriparishad (Assembly of Councillors) continued to be an important element of the governmental machinery during the reign of Pushyamitra. The poet supplies us with the important information that even the viceregal princes were assisted by Parishads.1 The Malavikagnimitram refers in clear terms to the dealings of Prince Agnimitra, the viceroy of VidisM, with his own Parishad : " Deva ! evam Amatyaparishado vijnapayami " Mantriparishado'pyetadeva darsanam Dvidha vibhaktam sriyamudvahantau dhuram ratlmsvaviva sami?rahituh sthashyataste nripate nides'e paraspara va gftftfa an i r v i ka rail Raja : tena hi Mantriparishadaih bruhi senanye Vlrasenaya lekhvalamevam krivatamiti." It seems that the tVmatyaparishad or Mantriparish id was duly consulted whenever an important matter of foreign policy had to be decided. ' Bilhler points out that Asoka's Kmnlras also are each aasiste \ by a body of Mihamatrai. These probably correspond to tho KaimlrfimStyat of the Gupta period. ACiMMlTKA 211 II. Agnimitra and his Successors. Pushvamitra died in or about 149 B.C. after a reisjii of 36 years, and was succeeded by his son Agnimitra. The name of a prince named Agnimitra has been found on several copper coins discovered in Rohilkhand. Cunningham (Coins of Ancient India, p. 79) was of opinion that this prince was probably not a Suriga, but belonged to a local dynasty of North Paiichala (Rohil- khand). He gave two reasons for this conclusion : 1. Agnimitra's is the only coin-name found in the Puranic lists. The names of the other Mitra kin^s do not agree with those found in the Puranas. 2. The coins are very rarely found beyond the limits of North Paiichala. As to the first point Rivett-Carnac (Ind. Ant., 1880, 311) and Jayaswal have shown (JBORS, 1917, p. 479) that several coin-names besides that of Agnimitra can be identified with those found in the Puranic lists of $unga and Kanva kings ; for example, Jethamitra may be identi- fied with the successor of Agnimitra. Vasu-Jyeshtha or Su-Jyeshtha who is called simply Jyeshtha in the k Vishnu manuscript (Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 31, n.12). Bhadra- ghosha may be identified with Ghosha the seventh king of the Puranic list of £unga kings. Bhumimitra may be identified with the Kanva king of that name. Several names indeed cannot be identified, but they may have been names of those £urigas who survived the usurpation of Vasudeva Kanva, and the remnant of whose power was destroyed by the Andhrabhrityas and Sisunandi (Dynasties of the Kali Age, 49). As to the second point we should remember that Mitra coins have been found at Kosambi, Ayodhya and Mathura as well as in Panchala. Names of the Mitra kings Brahmamitra and Indramitra are found engraved n-Z POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA on two rail pillars at Budh Gaya as well as on coins dis- covered at Mathura and North Panchala. In the face of these facts it is difficult to say that the Mitras were a local dynasty of North Panchala. Agnimitra's successor, as we have already seen, was Jyeshtha of the k Vishnu manuscript who is very probably identical with Jethamitra of the coins (Coins of Ancient [ndia, p. 74). The next king Vasumitra was a son of Agnimitra. During the life-time of his grandfather he had led the Auriga army against the Yavanas and defeated them on the Sindhu (in Central India) which probably formed the boundary between the Suriga and Indo-Greek dominions. Vasumitra's successor is called Bhadraka in the Bhaga- vata Purana, Ardraka and Odruka in the Vishnu, Andhraka in the Vayu, and Antaka in the Matsya Purana. Mr. Jayaswal identifies him with Udaka men- tioned in a Pabhosa Inscription which runs thus : M Bj Asadhasena, the son of Gopali Vaihidari and maternal uncle of king Bahasatimitra, son of Gopali, a cave was caused to be made in the tenth year of Udaka for the use of the Kassapiya Arhats." We learn from another Pabhosa Inscription that Asadhasena belonged to the royal family of Adhichhatra, the capital of North Panchala. Mr. Jayaswal maintains that Odraka (Udaka) was the paramount Suriga sovereign, while the family of Asadhasena was either gubernatorial or feudatory to the Magadha throne. Marshall (A Guide to Sanchi, p. 11 n.) on the other hand identifies the fifth Suiiga with king Kasiputra Bhagabhadra mentioned in a Garuda Pillar Inscription found in the old city of Vidisa, now Besnagar. Mr. Jayaswal identifies Bhaga-bhadra with Bhaga Sin i.e., Bhagavata of the Puranas. This theory has to be given up in view of the discovery of another Besnagar Garuda Pillar Inscription (of the twelth year after the ACNJMITKA'S SUCCESSORS -l\;i installation of Maharaja Bhagavata) which proves that there was at Vidis'ii a king named Bhagavata apart from king Kasiputra Bhagabhadra. In the absence of clear evidence connecting Udaka with Vidis'a it cannot be confidently asserted that he belonged to the house of Agnimitra and Bhagavata. The view of Marshall seems to be more probable. It appears that the successors of Agnimitra at Vidisa cultivated friendly relations with the Greek sovereigns of the Paiijab. The policy of the Bactrian Greeks in this respect resembled that of their Seleukidan predecessors. Seleukos, we know, first tried to conquer the Magadha Empire, but being frustrated in his attempts thought it prudent to make fiiends with the Mauryas. The Bactrians, too, after the reverses they sustained at the hands of Pushyamitra's general, apparently gave up, for a time at least, their hostile attitude towards the &uiigas. We learn from the Besnagar Inscription of the reign of Bhagabhadra that Heliodora, the son of Diya (Dion) a native of Taxila came as an Ambassador from Maharaja Arhtalikita (Antialkidas) to Rajan Kasiputra Bhagabhadra the Saviour (Tratara), who was prospering in the fourteenth year of his reign. The ambassador, though a Greek, professed the Bhagavata religion and set up a Garudadhvaja in honour of Vasudeva, the god of gods. He was apparently well-versed in the Mahabharata1 which he might have heard recited in his native citv of Taxila. Nothing in particular is known regarding the three immediate successors of Bhadraka. The ninth king Bhagavata had a long reign which extended over 32 years. Prof. Bhandarkar identifies him with the Maharaja Bhagavata mentioned in one of the Besnagar 1 Tlio three immortal precepts (dama, chaga, npramadn), mentioned in the second part of Heliodora's inscription, occur in the Mahabharata (XI.7.23 : Damns tj'"K°' pramadascha te trnyo Brahmano hnyah). Cf. also Gka, XVI. 1.2. 214 POLITICAL HISTORY OK INDIA Inscriptions mentioned above. Bhagavata's successor Devabhuti or Devabhumi was a young and dissolute prince. The Puranas state that ho was ovei thrown after a reign of 10 years by his AmfUya Yasudeva. Bana in his Harshacharita says that the over-libidinous Sunga was bereft of his life by his Amatya Vasudeva with the help of a daughter of Devabhuti's slave woman (Dasi) disguised as his queen. Bana's statement does not necessarily imply that Devabhuti was identical with the murdered Sunga. His statement may be construed to mean that Yasudeva entered into a conspiracy with the emissaries of Devabhuti to bring about the downfall of the reigning Suiiga (Bhagavata), and to raise Devabhuti to the throne. But in view of the unanimous testimony of the Puranas this interpretation of the statement of Bana cannot be upheld. The $unga power was not altogether extinguished after the tragic end of Devabhuti. It probably survived in Central India (of. Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 49) till the rise of the Andhrabhrityas or Satavahanas who " swept away the remains of the Sunga power " and probably appointed $isunandi (ibid, p. 49) to govern the Vidisa region, Sisunandi's younger brother had a grand- son (dauhitra) named Sis'uka who became the ruler of Purika. Curiously enough Sis'uka is also the Puranic name of the first king of the Andhrabhrilya dynasty. It is not improbable that the two $isukas were identical, and that after overthrowing the Sungas, Sis'uka (Simuka of the Inscriptions) annexed Purika but placed Yidisa" under his maternal relations. THE FALL OF THE MAGADHAN AND INDO-GREEK POWERS. 1. The Kanvas and the Later Sungas. Vasudeva at whose instance the " overlibidinous Suriga" was "reft of his life" founded about 73 B.C. a new line of kings known as the Kanva or Kanvayana dynasty. The Puranas give the following account of this family. " He (Vasudeva), the Kanvayana, will be king 9 years. His son Bhumiraitra will reign 14 years. His son Narayana will reign 12 years. His son Susarman will reign 10 years. These are remembered as the Surigabhritya Kanvayana kings. These four Kanva Brahmanas will enjoy the earth. They will be righteous. In succession to them the earth will pass to the Andhras. " Bhumimitra seems to be identical with the king of that name known from coins. The chronology of the Kanva dynasty is a matter of controversy. In his Early History of the Deccan, Sir R. G. Bhandarkar observes " the founder of the Andhrabhrityas is said to have uprooted not only the Kanvas, but 'whatever was left of the power of the Sungas'. And the Kanvas are pointedly spoken of as Sungabhrityas or servants of the Sungas. It therefore appears likely that when the princes of the Sunga family became weak, the Kanvas usurped the whole power and ruled like the Peshwas in modern times, not uprooting the dynasty of their masters but reducing them to the character of nominal sovereigns. Thus then these dynasties reigned contemporaneously, and hence the 112 years that tradition assigns to the Sungas include the 45 assigned to the Kanvas." 28 216 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Now, the Puranic evidence only proves that certain princes belonging to the Suiiga stock continued to rule till the Andhrabhritya conquest and were the con- temporaries of the Kanvas. But there is nothing to show that these rois faineants of the Sunga stock were identical with any of the ten $unga kings mentioned by name in the Puranic lists who reigned 112 years. On the contrary the distinct testimony of the Puranas that Devabhuti the tenth and last Suiiga of the Puranic lists was the person slain by Vasudeva the first Kanva, probably shows that the rois faineants, who ruled contemporaneously with Vasudeva and his successors, were later than Devabhuti and were not considered to be important enough to be mentioned by name. Consequently the 112 years that tradition assigns to the ten ^unga kings from Pushyamitra to Devabhuti do not include the 45 assigned to the Kanvas. It is therefore not unreasonable to accept Dr. Smith's date B. C. 73-28 for the Kanva dynasty. I II. The Satavahanas and the Chetas. While the Sungas and Kanvas were engaged in their petty feuds, new powers were rising in trans- Vindhyan India. These were the Satavahana or Andhrabhritya kingdom of Dakshinapatha and the Cheta kingdom of Kalhiga. The founder of the Satavahana or Andhrabhritya dynasty was Simuka whose name is misspelt as Sisuka, Sindhuka and Sipraka in the Puranas. The Puranas state that the Andhra Simuka will assail the Kanvayanas and Susarman, and destroy the remains of the Suiigas' power and will obtain this earth. If this statement be true then it cannot be denied that Simuka nourished in the first century B. C. Dr Smith and many other scholars however reject the unanimous testimony of the Puranas. They THE SATAVAHANAS 217 attach more importance to a statement found in certain Puranas but not in all, that the Andhras ruled for four centuries and a half. Accordingly they place Simuka in the third century B. C. and say that the dynasty came to an end in the third century A. D. A discussion of Simuka's date involves the consideration of the following questions : — 1. What is the age of the script of the Nanaghat record of Nayanika, daughter-in law of Simuka ? 2. What is the actual date of Kharavela's Hathigumpha Inscription which refers to a $atakarni who was apparently a successor of Simuka ? 3. What is the exact number of Andhrabhritya kings and what is the duration of their rule ? As to the first point we should note that according to Prof. Chanda the inscription of Nayanika is later than the Besnagar Inscription of Bhagavata the penultimate king of the Early &unga dynasty ( MASI. No. 1, pp. 14-15.) Consequently Simuka may be placed in the Kanva period i. e. in the first century B. C. — a date which accords with Puranic evidence. As to the second point Mr. R. D. Banerji gives good grounds for believing that the expression Ti-vasa-sata occurring in the passage "Pamchame cha dani vase Namda- raja ti-vasa-sata " of the Hathigumpha Inscription means not 103 but 300 ( JBORS. 1917, 495-497.) This is also the view of Mr. Jayaswal and Prof. Chanda.* If • In his fifth year Kharavela extended an aqueduct that bad not been used for tivasamta since Nandarftja. If " tivasasata" is taken to mean 103, Kharavela's accession must be placed 103-5 = 98 years after NandarSja. -H is elevation to the position of YuvarSja took place 9 years before that i.e. 98-9=»89 years after Nandarftja (i.e., not later than 323 B.C. -89 = 234 B.C.) Kharavela's father must have been on the throne at that time, and he was preceded by hie father. But we learn from Aioka's inscriptions that Kalinga was actually governed at that time by a Maurya Kumam under the suzerainty of Asoka himself. Therefore tivasasata should be taken to mean 300 and not 103. 218 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Tivasa-sata means 300 Kharavela and his contemporary 6atakarni must have flourished 300 years after Nandar&ja, i.e. in or about 23 B. C. This agrees with the Puranic evidence which makes Satakarni's father a contemporary of the last Kanva king Sus'arman (38-2S B. C.) We now come to the third point viz. the determination of the exact number of Satavahana kings, and the duration of their rule. Regarding each of these matters we have got two different traditions. As to the first the Matsya Purana says :— " Ek6navimsatirhyete Andhra bhokshyanti vai mahim," but it gives thirty names. The Vayu Purana with the exception of the 'M' manuscript says — " Ityete vai nripas trirhs'ad Andhra bhokshyanti ye mahim," but most of the Vayu manuscripts name only seventeen, eighteen, or nineteen kings. As to the duration of the Andhra rule several Matsya manuscripts say — Tesham varsha s'atani syus' chatvarishashtir eva cha. Another Matsya manuscript puts it slightly differently. Dvadasadhikam etesham rajyam satachatushtayam. While a Vayu passage gives altogether a different tradition : Andhra bhokshyanti vasudham sate dve cha satam cha vai. Obviously according to one tradition there were about nineteen kings who probably ruled for 300 years as the Vayu says, while according to another tradition there were thirty kings the lengths of whose reigns covered a period of more than 400 years. In the opinion of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar the longer list includes the names of princes belonging to all the branches of THE SATAVAHANAS 2J9 the Andhrabhritya dynasty, and that the longer period represents the total duration of the reigns of all the princes belonging to the several branches. The period of 300 years, and the seventeen, eighteen or nineteen names given in the Vayu Purana, and hinted at in the Matsya, refer to the main branch. That there was at least one line of Satakarnis distinct from the main branch is admitted by all. Inscriptions in Aparanta, in Kanara and in the north of Mysore testify to the existence of a family of Satakarnis who ruled over Kuntala (the Kanarese districts) before the Kadambas. The Matsya list includes at least two kings of this line named Skandasvati and Kuntala Satakarni, but the Vayu list does not. Skanda- niigSL-Sataka actually appears as the name of a prince of the Kanarese line of Satakarnis in a Kanheri inscription. (Rapson, Andhra Coins, liii.) As to Kuntala Satakarni, the commentary on Vatsyayana's Kamasutra takes the word Kuntala in the name Kuntala Satakarni Satavahana to mean " Kuntalavishaye jatatvat tatsamakhyah." It is therefore fair to conclude that the Matsva Purana which mentions 30 Satavahana kings includes not only the main branch but also the Kuntala line. On the other hand the Vayu Purana omits the Satakarnis of Kuntala and mentions only about 19 kings who presumably belonged to the main line and ruled for 300 years. If the main line of Satavahana kings consisted only of about nineteen princes, and if the duration of their rule be three centuries, there is no difficulty in accepting the Puranic statement that Simuka flourished in the first century B.C. and that his dynasty came to an end in the third century A.D. The Kuntala line lasted longer and did not come to an end before the fourth or fifth century A.D., when it was supplanted by the Kadambas. Thus the total duration of the rule of both the branches of Satakarnis is really more than 100 years. The kings of the Kuntala line are 220 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA no doubt placed before Gautamiputra and his successors. But we have other instances of the inversion of the order of kings in the Puranas (see pp. 52, 58 ante). Regarding the original home of the Satavahana family there is also a good deal of controversy. Some scholars think that the Satavahanas were not Andhras but merely Andhrabhrityas of Kanarese origin. In the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XIV (1917) Dr. Sukthankar edited an Inscription of Siri-Pulumavi " king of the Satavahanas " which mentions a place called Satavahani-hara. The place occurs also in the Hira- Hadagalli copper-plate inscription of the Pallava king Sivaskandavarman in the slightly altered form of Satahani-rattha. Dr. Sukthankar suggests that the terri- torial division Satavahani-Satahani must have comprised a good portion of the modern Bellary district, and that it was the original home of the Satavahana family. Other indications point to the territory immediately south of the Madhyades'a as the original home of the Satavahana-Satakarnis. The Vinaya Texts (S.B.E., XVII, 38) mention a town called " Setakannika " which lay on the southern frontier of the Majjhimades'a. It is signi- ficant that the earliest records of the Satakarnis are found in the Northern Deccan and Central India. The name Andhra probably came to be applied to the kings in later times when they lost their northern and western possessions and became a purely Andhra power governing the territory at the mouth of the river Krishna. There is reason to believe that the Andhrabhritya or Satavahana kings were Brahmanas with a little admixture of Naga blood. The Dvatrimsatputtalika represents Siilivahana as of mixed Brahmana and Naga origin. The Naga connection is suggested by names like Skandanaga- Sataka, while the claim to the rank of Brahmana is actually put forward in an inscription. In the Nasik THE SATAVAHANAS 221 prasasti of Gautamiputra Satakarni the king is called "Eka Bamhana," i.e., the unique Brahmana. Some scholars, however, are inclined to take Bamhana to mean merely a Brahmanical Hindu, but this interpretation cannot be accepted in view of the fact that Gautamiputra is also called " Khatiya-dapa-mana-madana," i.e., the destroyer of the pride and conceit of the Kshatriyas. The expression " Ekabamhana " when read along with the passage 11 Khatiya-dapa-mana-madana " leaves no room for doubt that Gautamiputra of the Satavahana family claimed to be a Brahmana like Parasurama. As a matter of fact in the prasasti the king is described as " the unique Brah- mana in prowess equal to Rama." According to the Puranas Simuka gave the final coup de grace to the Sunga-Kanva power. He was succeeded by his brother Krishna. This king has been identified with Kanha " Raja of the Sadavahanakula " mentioned in a Nasik inscription. The inscription tells us that a certain cave was caused to be made by an inhabitant of Nasik in the time of King Kanha. Kanha-Krishna was succeeded according to the Puranas by Satakarni. This ^atakarni has been inentified with (1) King $atakarni Dakshinapatha-pati, son of Simuka Satavahana mentioned in the Nanaghat Inscription of Nayanika. (2) Satakarni lord of the west who was defied by Kharavela, king of Kalinga. (3) Rajan &ri Satakarni of a Saiichi Inscription and (4) The elder Saraganus mentioned in the Periplus. The first identification is accepted by all scholars. The second identification is also probable because the Puranas place Satakarni the successor of Krishna, after the Kanvas, i.e., in the first century B.C., while the Hathigumpha Inscription places Kharavela 300 years after Nanda-raja, i.e., in the first century B.C. 222 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Marshall objects to the third identification on the ground that Sri $atakarni who is mentioned in the Nanaghat and Hathigumpha Inscriptions reigned in the middle of the second century B.C. ; his dominions there- fore could not have included Eastern Malwa (the Sliichi region) which in the second century B.C., was ruled by the &ungas and not by the Andhras (A Guide to Saiicbi p. 13). But we have seen that the date of the Hathi- gumpha Inscription is the first century B.C. (300 years after Nanda-raja). Moreover the Puranas place the kings mentioned in the Nanaghat Inscription not earlier than the Kanvas, i.e., the first century B.C. The identi- fication of the successor of Krishna of the Satavahana family with $atakarni of the Sanchi Inscription, therefore, does not conflict with what is known of the history of Eastern Malwa in the second century B.C. Lastly, it would be natural for the first Satakarni to be styled simply Satakarnior the elder $atakarni (Saraganus, from a Prakrit form like Sadaganna) while it would be equally natural for the later Satakarnis to be distinguished from him by the addition of a geographical designation like Kuntala, or a metronymic like Gautamiputra or Vasishthiputra. We learn from the Nanaghat Inscription that &ata- karni, son of Simuka, was the sovereign of the whole of Dakshinapatha. He conquered Eastern Malwa and performed the Asvamedha sacrifice. The conquest of Eastern Malwa is proved by the Sanchi Inscription which records the gift of a certain Anariula, the son of Vasithi, the foreman of the artisans of llajan Siri-Satakani. Sitikarni seems to have been the first prince to raise the Satavahanas to the position of paramount sovereigns of Trans-Vindhyan India. Thus arose the first great empire in the Godavari valley which rivalled in extent and power the Suiiga empire in the Ganges valley and the Greek empire in the Laud of the Five Rivers. THE CHETAS 228 After the death of &itakarni his wife Nayanika or Naganikil (laughter of the Maharathi Tranakayiro Kala- laya, the scion of the Angiya family, was proclaimed regent during the minority of the princes Vedisri and Sakti-Sr! (Sati-Srimat) or Haku-^ri. The Satavahanas were not the only enemies of Magadha in the first century B.C. We learn from the Hathigumpha Inscription that when $atakarni was ruling in the west, Kharavela of Kalinga carried his arms to Northern India and humbled the king of Rajagriha. Kharavela belonged to the Cheta dynasty. Prof. Chanda points out that Cheta princes are mentioned in the Vessantara Jataka (No. 54/7). The Milindapanho contains a statement which seems to indicate that the Chetas were connected with the Chetis or Chedis. The particulars given in that work regarding the Cheta king Sura Parichara agree with what we know about the Chedi king Uparichara (Rhys Davids, Milinda, p 287 ; Mbh. I. 63. 14). Very little is known regarding the history of Kalinga from the death of Asoka to the rise of the Cheta dynasty in the first century B.C., (three hundred years after the Nandas). The names of the first two kings of the Cheta line are not given in ttye Hathigumpha inscription. Liiders Ins. No. 1347 mentions a king named Vakradeva. But we do not know whether he was a predecessor or successor of Kharavela. During the rule of the second king, who must have reigned for at least 9 years, Kharavela occupied the position of Yuvaraja. When he had completed his 24th year, he was anointed Maharaja of Kalinga.1 In the first year of his reign he repaired the gates and ramparts of his capital, Kaliriganagara. In the next year, without taking head of Satakarni, he sent a large army to the west and took the city of Masika (?) with the help of the 1 >hara "la's chief queen was the daughter of ■ prince named Lalaka t hi- treat -..unison of Ilathisimha. 224 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Kusambas. He followed up his success by further operations in the west and, in his fourth year, compelled the Rathikas and Bhojakas to do him homage. In the fifth year he had an aqueduct that had not been used for 300 years since Nandaraja conducted into his capital. Emboldened by his successes in the Deccan the Kalinga king turned his attention to the North. In the eighth year he harassed the king of Rajagriha so that he fled to Mathura. If Mr. Jayaswal is right in identifying this king with Brihaspatimitra, then king Brihaspati must have ruled over Magadha after the Kanva dynasty. Udaka of the Pabhosa Inscription who came later than Brihaspatimitra cannot, in that case, be identified with the fifth $unga king who must be identified with Bhagabhadra. The attack on Nothern India was repeated in the tenth and twelth years. In the tenth year the Kalinga king organised a grand expedition against Bharatavarsha, perhaps identical with the valley of the Jumna, the scene of the exploits of Bharata Dauhsanti and his descendants, where the king of Rajagriha had fled for shelter. He could not achieve any great success in that region. He simply claims to have harassed the kings of Uttarapatha and watered his elephants in the Gaiiga. But in Magadha he was more successful ; the repeated blows certainly " struck terror into the Magadhas, " and compelled the Magadha king (Brihaspatimitra ?) to bow at his feet. Having subjugated Magadha, the invader once more turned his attention to southern India and made his power felt even by the King of the Pandya country. In the thirteenth year Khiiravela erected pillars on the Kumari Hill in the vicinity of the dwelling of the Arhats, THE END OF GREEK RULE 225 III. The End of Greek Rule in North-West India. While the Magadhan monarchy was falling before the onslaughts of the Satavahanas and the Chetas, the Greek power in the North-West was aiso hastening towards dissolution. We have already referred to the feuds of Demetrios and Eukratides. The dissensions of these two princes led to a double succession, one derived from Demetrios holding Sakala (Sialkot) with a considerable portion of the Indian interior, the other derived from Eukratides holding Takshasila, the Kabul valley and Bactria. According to Gardner and Rapson, Apollodotos, Pantaleon, Agathokles, Agathokleia, the Stratos and Menander belonged to the house of Euthydemos and Demetrios. Most of these sovereigns used the same coin-types, specially the figure of the goddess Athene hurling the thunderbolt, which is characteristic of the Euthydemian line. Pantaleon and Agathocles strike coins with almost identical types.1 They both adopt the metal nickel for their coins, and they alone use in their legends the Brahmi alphabet. They seem, therefore, to have been closely connected probably as brothers. It is not improbable that Agathokleia was their sister. Agathokles issued a series of coins in commemoration of Alexander, Antiochos Nikator (Antiochos III Megas according to Malala), Diodotos, and Euthydemos. Apollodotos, the Stratos and Menandar use the Athene type of coins. Apollodotos and Menander are mentioned together in literature. The author of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea says that " to the present day ancient drachmae are current in Barygaza bearing inscriptions in Greek letters, and the devices of those who reigned after Alexander, Apollodotos and Menander." Again, in the 1 Dancing girl in oriental costuur.0 according to Whitehead ; May*, mother of the Buddha, in the nativity scene according to Foucher (JRAS., 1919, p. 90). 226 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA title of the lost forty-first book of Justin's work, Menander and Apollodotos are mentioned as Indian kings (Rhys Davids, Milinda, p. xix). It appears from the Milindapafihq that the capital of the dynasty to which Menander belonged was Sakala or Sagala.1 We learn from Ptolemy the geographer that the city had another name Euthymedia (Euthydemia ?) a designation which was probably derived from the Euthydemian line. To the family of Eukratides belonged Heliokles and probably Lysias and Antialkidas who ruled conjointly. A common type of Antialkidas is the Pilei of the Dioscuri, which seems to connect him with Eukratides ; his portrait according to Gardner resembles that of Heliokles. It is not improbable that he was an immediate successor of Heliokles. (Gardner, Catalogue of Indian Coins in the British Museum, p. xxxiv). A Besnagar Inscription makes him a contemporary of Kasiputra Bhagabhadra of Vidisa who probably ruled in the third quarter of the second century B.C. (sometime after Agnimitra). The capital of Antialkidas was probably at Takshas'ila or Taxila, the place whence his ambassador Heliodoros went to the kingdom of Bhagabhadra. The Greek power must have been greatly weakened by the feuds of the rival lines of Demetrios and Eukratides. The evils of internal dissension were aggravated by foreign inroads. We learn from Strabo (H. & EVs Ed. vol. II, pp. 251-253) that the Parthians deprived Eukratides by force of arms of a part of Bactriana, which embraced the satrapies of Aspionus and Turiva. There is reason to believe that the Parthian king Mitht idates I penetrated even into India. Orosius, a Roman historian who flourished about 4.00 A.D. makes 1 " Atthi Yonakanatu nanaputabhedanam Sagalauuama uagarain. " " Jambudlpe Sagala nagarc Miliudo n*ma IMjii ahosi." " Atthi kho N*gasenri Sugnlara nil no a nagarni, t:»ttha Milindo irlma Kiji mjpin Kiroti. " THE END OF GREEK RULE i-17 a definite statement to the effect that Mithridates or Mithradates subdued the natives between the Hydaspes and the Indus. His conquest thus drove a wedge bet- ween the kingdom of Eukratides and that of his rival of the house of Euthydemos. The causes of the final downfall of the Bactrian Greeks are thus stated by Justin : " the Bactrians harassed by various wars lost not only their dominions but their liberty ; for having suffered from contentions with the Sogdians, the Drangians and the Indians they were at last overcome as if exhausted by the weaker Parthians." The Sogdians were the people of the region now known as Samarkand and Bukhara. They were separated from Bactriana by the Oxus. By the term Sogdian Justin probably refers not only to the Sogdiani proper but also to the well-known tribes who, according to Strabo (H. and P's Ed. vol. II pp. 245-246) deprived the Greeks of Bactriana, viz., the Asii, Pasiani, Tochari, Sacarauli and the Sacae or Sakas. The story of the $aka occupation of the Indo-Greek possessions will be told in the next chapter. The Latin historian Pompeius Trogus describes how Diodotos had to fight Scythian tribes, the Sarancae and Asiani, who finally conquered Sogdiana and Bactria. The occupation of Sogdiana probably entitled them to the designation Sogdian used by Justin. Sten Konow (Modern Review, 1921, April, p. 464) suggests the identi- fication of the Tochari of the Classical writers with the Ta- hia of the Chinese historians. He further identifies the Asii, Asioi or Asiani with the Yue-chi. We are inclined to identify the Tochari with the Tukharas who formed an important element of the Bactrian population in the time of Ptolemy and are described by that author as a great people (Ind. Ant., 1884, pp. 395-396,) They are apparently " the warlike nation of the Bactriana " of the time of the Periplus. 228 POLITICAL HISTORY OP INDIA The Drangians referred to by Justin inhabited the country between Areia, Gedrosia and Arachosia, including the province now called Sistan ( Sakasthana). Numismatic evidence indicates that a Drangian family, viz., the dynasty of Vonones supplanted Greek rule in a considerable part of Afghanistan specially in Arachosia. Vonones is a Parthian name. Hence some scholars call his dynasty a Parthian family. But names are not sure proofs of nationality. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar calls the dynasty Saka.' The beat name for the family would be Drangian, because their home territory was Drangiana. On coins Vonones is associated with two princes, viz : i. Spalahora who is called Maharajabhrata. ii. Spalagadama, son of Spalahora. There is one coin which Thomas and Cunningham attributed to Vonones and Azes I. But the coin really belongs to Maues (Whitehead, Catalogue of Coius in the Panjab Museum, p. 93.) There is a silver coin of a prince named Spalirises which bears on the obverse the legend Basileus Adelphoy Spalirisoy, and on the reverse " Maha- raja Bhraha Dhramiasa Spalarishisa, " i. e.} Spalirises the Just, brother of the king. This king has been identified with Vonones. Vonones thus was a supreme ruler, and he appointed his brothers Spalirises and Spalahora viceroys to govern the provinces conquered by him, and after the death of the latter, conferred the viceroyalty on his nephew Spalagadama. Vonones was succeeded as supreme ruler by his brother Spalirises. The coins of Spalirises present two varieties, viz : 1. Coins which bear his name alone in both the legends ; 2. Coins on which his name occurs on the obverse in the Greek legend, and those of Azes on the reverse in the Kharoshthl legend. The second variety proves that 1 Isidore of Charax (JRAS. 1915, p. 831) refers to Sigftl in Saeastene as the resi- dence of a Saka king THE END OF GREEK RULE 229 Spalirises had a colleague named Azes who governed a territory where the prevailing script was Kharoshthl. This Azes has been identified with king Azes of the Panjab about whom we shall speak in the next chapter. As regards the Indian enemies of the Bactrian Greeks we need only refer to the Sungas who are represented in Kaiidasa's Malavikagnimitram as coming into conflict with the Yavanas. In the Nasik pras'asti of Gautamlputra &1takarni the king is said to have defeated the Yavanas. The final destruction of Greek rule was, as Justin says, the work of the Parthians. Marshall tells us ( A Guide to Taxila p. 14 ) that the last surviving Greek principality, that of Hermaios in the Kabul valley, was overthrown by the Parthian king Gondophernes. The Chinese historian Pan-yealso refers to the Parthian occupation of Kabul (Jour- nal of the Department of Letters, Calcutta University, vol. I p. 81) : "Whenever any of the three kingdoms of Tien Tch- ou, Ki-pinor Ngansi became bowerful, it brought Kabul into subjection. When it grew weak it lost Kabul Later, Kabul fell under the rule of Parthia." SCYTHIAN RULE IN NORTHERN INDIA. 1. The &akas. In the first century B. C. Greek rule in Gandh&ra was supplanted by that of the Sakas. The history of the First Han Dynasty states " formerly when the Hiung-nu conquered the Ta-Yue-tchi the latter emigrated to the west, and subjugated the Ta-hia; whereupon the Sai- wang went to the south, and ruled over Kipin " (JRAS., 1903, p. 22; Modern Review, April, 1921, p. 4G4). Sten Konow points out that the Sai-wang are the same people which are known in Indian tradition under the designa- tion &akamurunda, Murunda being a later form of a Saka word which has the same meaning as Chinese wang, master, lord. In Indian inscriptions and coins it has frequently been translated with the Indian wTord Svamin. The Chinese Emperor Tuenti (B. C. 48-33) refused to take any notice of an insult offered to his envoy by In-mo-fu, the king of Kipin, and the Emperor Ching-ti (B. C. 32-7) declined to acknowledge an embassy sent from Kipin (JRAS, 1903, p. 29). S. Levi identifies Kipin with Kasmir. But his view has been ably controverted by Sten Konow (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 291) who accepts Chavannes' identification with Kiipisa (the country drained by the northern tributaries of the river Kabul, ibid, p. 290; cf. Watters, Yuan Ohwaog, Vol. I, 259-260). Gandhara was the eastern part of Kipin. A passage of Hemachandra's Abhidhana-Chintamani seems to suggest that the capital of the Sai-wang ;(Saka- Murundas) was Lampaka or Laghman (Lampftkftsta Murandah Syuh) Sten Konow says that the Sai, TI1K SAKAS 231 i.e., the Sakas, passed Hientu, i.e., the gorge west of Skardu on their way to Kipin (p. 291). Though the Sakas wrested Kipin (Kapisa-Gandhara) from the hands of the Greeks they could not permanently subjugate Kabul (Journal of the Department of Letters, Vol. I, p. 81), where the Greeks maintained a precarious existence. They were more successful in India. Inscriptions at Mathura and Nasik prove that the &akas extended their sway as far as the Jumna in the east and the Godavari in the south. No connected or detailed account of the Saka kings of Kipin is possible. $akas are mentioned along with the Yavanas in the Ramayana (I. 54. 22 ; IV. 43. 12), the Mahabharata (II. 32. 17), the Manusamhita (X. 44), and the Mahabhashya (Ind. Ant. 1875, 244). The Hari- vams'a (Chap. 14.16) informs us that they shaved one half of their heads, and the Jaina work Kalakacharyaka- thanaka states that their Kings were called Sahi. (Z. D. M. G., 34, p. 262). The &akas are also mentioned in the Prasastis of Gautamiputra Satakarni and Samudra Gupta. Their empire " ^akasthana " is probably mentioned in the Mathura Lion Capital Inscription. The passage contain- ing the word Sakasthana runs thus : — Sarvasa Sakastanasa puyae Cunningham interpreted the passage as meaning " for the merit of the people of Sakastan." Dr. Fleet however maintained that " there are no real grounds for thinking that the Sakas ever figured as invaders of any part of northern India above Kathiawad and the western and southern parts of the territory now known as Malwa." He took Sarva to be a proper name and translated the inscriptional passage referred to above as " a gift of Sarva in honour of his home." Fleet's objection is ineffective. Chinese evidence clearly establishes the presence of Sakas in Kipin, />., 90 232 POLITICAL JilbTORY OF INDIA Kapis:a-Gandhara. As regards the presence of the tribe at Math ura, the site of the inscription, we should note that the Markandeya Parana (Chapter 5S) refers to a Saka settlement in the Madhyades'a. Dr. Thomas (Ep. Ind., IX, pp. 138 ff.) points out that the epigraphs on the Lion Capital exhibit a mixture of Saka and Persian nomenclature. The name Mevaki, for instance, which occurs in the inscriptions is a variant of the Scythian name Mauakes (cf. Maues, Moga, and Mavaces the com- mander of the Sakas who went to the aid of Darius Codomannus, Chinnock, Arrian, p. 142). The termination " us " in Komusa and Samuso seems to be Scythic. Dr. Thomas further points out that there is no difficulty in the expression of honour to the "whole realm of the Sakas " since we find in the Wardak, Sue Vihar and other inscriptions even more comprehensive expressions, r.r/., Sarva sattvanam — of all living creatures. As regards Fleet's renderings " svaka " and " sakatthana " one's own place, Dr. Thomas says that it does not seem natural to inscribe on the stone honour to somebody's own home. A puja addressed to a country is unusual, but inscription G of the Lion Capital contains a similar puja addressed to the chief representatives of the Saka dominion. Sakasthana, doubtless, included the district of Scythia mentioned in the Periplus, " from which flows down the river Sinthus, the greatest of all the rivers that flow into the Erythraean Sea." The metropolis of " Scythia " in the time of the Periplus was Minnagara ; and its market- town was Barbaricum on the seashore. Princes bearing Saka names are mentioned in several inscriptions discovered in Taxila, Mathura and western India. According to Dr. Thomas " whatever Saka dynas- ties may have existed in the Pan jab or India reached India neither through Afghanistan nor through Kas'mir THE 3AKAS 2S0 but, as Cunningham contended, by way of Sind and the valley of the Indus" (JRAS, 1906, p. 216). This theory cannot be accepted in its entirety in view of the Chinese account of the Saka occupation of Kipin, and the fact that some of the Saka names hitherto discovered are those of the Northern Sakas who lived near the Sogdianoi (Ind. Ant., 1881, pp. 399-100), c.g.t the names — Maues, Moga (Taxila plate) and Mevaki (Mathura Lion Capital) are variants of the Saka name Mauakes. "We learn from Arrian that a chief named Mauakes or Mavaces led the Sacians, a Scythian tribe belonging to the Scythians who dwelt in Asia, who 'lived outside the jurisdiction of the Persian governor of the Bactrians and the Sogdianians, but were in alliance with the Persian king. Kshaharata or Khaharata, the family designation of a Satrapal house of Western and Southern India, is perhaps equivalent to Karatai the name of a Saka tribe of the North (Ind. Ant., 1884, p. 400). The conquest of the Lower Indus valley and part of western India may, however, have been effected by the Sakas of western Sakasthana (Sistan) who are. mentioned by Isidore of Charax. The name of the capitals of " Scythia " (i.e., Lower Indus valley) and of the Kingdom of Mambarus (Nambanus?) in the time of the Periplus was Minnagara, and this was evidently derived from the city of Min in Sakasthana mentioned by Isidore (JRAS, 1915, p. 830). Rapson points out that one of the most characteristic features in the names of the western Kshatrapas of Chashtana's line, viz." Daman " is found also in the name of a prince of the Drangianian house of Vonones. Lastly, the Kardamaka family from which the daughter of the Mahakshatrapa Rudra claimed descent, apparently derived its name from the Kardama river in Persia (Shamsastry's trans, of Arthasastra, p. 861). 284 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA The earliest Saka king mentioned in Indian inscriptions and coins is, perhaps, Maues (identified with Moga of the Taxila plate). He was a paramount sovereign (Maha- raya). His dominions included Taxila which was ruled by a Satrapal family. The dates assigned to Maues by various scholars range from B. C. 135 to A. D. 154. His coins are found ordi- narily in the Pan jab, and chiefly in the western portion of the province of which Taxila was the ancient capital. There can thus be no doubt that Maues was the king of Gandhara. Now it is impossible to find for Maues a place in the history of the Fan jab before the Greek king Antialkidas who was reigning at Taxila when king Bhagabhadra was on the throne of Vidisa for fourteen years. The date of Bhagabhadra is uncertain but he must be placed later than Agnimitra Suftga who ruled from B. C. 149-141. The fourteenth year of Bhaga- bhadra could not have fallen before 127 B. C. Conse- quently Antialkidas must have been ruling in the second half of the second century B. C, and his reign could not have ended before 127 B. C. The &aka occupation of Gandhara must therefore be later than 127 B. C. All scholars except Fleet identify Maues with Maharaya Moga of the Sirsukh or Taxila plate dated in the year 78 of an unspecified era. The generally accepted view is that the era is of $aka institution. As the era is used only in N. India and the border land it is permis- sible to conjecture that it marks the completion of the $aka occupation of those regions. We have already seen that this occupation could not have taken place before 127 B. C. The era used in the Taxila plate could not therefore have originated before 127 B. C. The year 78 of the era could not have fallen before B. C. 49. Conse- quently Maues-Moga cannot be placed before B. C. 49. He must be placed even later, because we learn from the THE &AKAS m Chinese records that In-mo-fu was in possession of Kipin or Kfipisa-Gandhiira about 48-33 B.C. Maues therefore will have to be placed after 33 B. C. He cannot perhaps be placed later than the middle of the first century A. D., because we learn from Apollonios and the author of the Periplus that about that time or a little later both Taxila and Minnagara, the metropolis of Scythia or the Saka King- dom in the Indus valley, had passed into the hands of the Parthians. It seems therefore that Maues ruled after 33 B. C, but before the closing years of the first century A. D. It is not altogether improbable that he flourished in the year 22 A. D. —the year 78 of the era commencing 58 B. C, which afterwards came to be known as the Malava-Vikrama era. But the matter must be regarded as not finally settled. Numismatists say that Maues was succeeded on the throne of the Panjab by Azes. The coins of Azes are very closely related to the issues of the Vonones family, and the assumption has always been made that Azes, the king of the Panjab, is identical with Azes, the colleague of Spalirises. Some scholars think that Azes was the immediate successor, not of Maues, but of Spalirises, and that Maues came not only after Azes, better known as Azes I, but also after Azes II. But this theory cannot be accepted in view of the synchronism of Gondophernes and Azes II proved by the fact that Aspavarma served as Strategos under both the monarch s (Whitehead, Catalogue of Coins in the Pan- jab Museum, p. 150). As Gondophernes ruled in the year 103 (of. the Takht-i-Bahai Inscription), while Maues-Moga ruled in the year 78 (of. the Taxila Plate of Patika), and as both these dates are referred by scholars to the same era, both Gondophernes and Azes II must be later than Maues-Moga. There is no room for Maues-Moga between Azes I and Azes II, because we shall see presently that the succession from Azes I to Azes II is clearly established 23G POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA by numismatic evidence. Maues came either before Azes I or after Azes II ; but we have already seen that he could not have reigned after Azes II. He must therefore be placed before Azes I. He must have been ruling in the Paiijab when Vonones was ruling in Sistan. When Vonones was succeeded by Spalirises, Maues was succeeded by Azes I. We have already seen that Spalirises and Azes I issued joint coins. The relationship between the two monarchs is not known. They may have been related by blood, or they may have been mere allies like Hermaios and Kujula Kadphises {of. Whitehead, p. 178, Marshall — Taxila, p. 1G). King Azes I struck some coins bearing his own name in Greek on the obverse, and that of Azilises in Kharoshf.hi on the reverse. Then again we have another type of coins on which the name in Greek is Azilises, and in Kharoshthi is Aya or Azes. Dr. Bhandarkar and Smith postulate that these two joint types, when considered to- gether, prove that Azilises, before his accession to indepen- dent power, was the subordinate colleague of an Azes, and that an Azes similarly was subsequently the subordinate colleague of Azilises. The two princes named Azes cannot be identical, and they must be distinguished as Azes I ami Azes IL Whitehead however observes that the silver coins of Azilises are better executed and earlier in style than those of Azes. The bost didrachms of Azes compare unfavourably with the fine silver coins of Azilises with Zeus obverse and Dioskouri reverse, and with other rare silver types of Azilises. If Azilises preceded Azes, then following Dr. Smith we must have Azilises I and Azilises II, instead of Azes I and Azes IF. In conclusion Whitehead says that the differences in type and style between the abundant issues of Azes can be adequately explained by reasons of locality alone, operating through a long reign. Marshall however says that the stratification of coins at THE &YKAS 237 Taxila clearly proves the correctness of Smith's theory, according to which Azes I was succeeded by Azilises, and Azilises by Azes II.1 Recent discoveries have unearthed the gold coin of a king named Athama. Whitehead has no hesitation in recognising him as a member of the dynasty of Azes and Azilises. His date ts however uncertain. Unlike the Indo-Greek princes, the &aka kings style themselves on their coins Basileus Basileon, corresponding to the Prakrit on the reverse Maharajasa Rajarajasa. They also appropriate the epithet Mahatasa, corresponding to the Greek Megaloy, which we find on the coins of Greek kings. The title Rajaraja — king of kings — was not an empty boast. Moga had under him the Viceroys Liaka and Patika of Chhahara and Chukhsa near Taxila. Azes had under him at least two subordinate rulers, e.g., the Satrap Zeionises and the Strategos Aspavarma. The title Satrap or Kshat- rapa occurs in the Behistun Inscription in the form Kshatrapavan which means protector of the kingdom (cf. Goptri). The word " Strategos " means a general. It is obvious that the Scythians revived in North-western India the system of government by Satraps and military governors. Coins and Inscriptions prove the existence of several other Satrapal families besides those mentioned above. The North Indian Kshatrapas or Satraps may be divided into three main groups, viz. : — 1. The Satraps of Kapis'a, 2. The Satraps of the Western Panjab, 3. The Satraps of Mathura. Rapson tells us (Ancient India, p. 141) that an inscription affords the bare mention of a Satrap of Kapisa. 1 The coins which Smith assigns to Azes II are found yeiurally nearer the surface than those of Azes I (J.K.A.S., 191-4, 979). 238 POLITtCAL HISTORY OF INDtA. The Panjab Satraps belonged to three families, viz. : — (a) The Kusulaa or Kusuluka family. — It consisted of Liaka and his son Patika, and governed the territories of Chhahara and Chukhsa (Buhler, Ep. Ind., IV, p. 54). According to Fleet there were two Patikas ( J HAS, 1907, p. 1035). But according to Marshall there was only one Viceroy of the name of Patika (JRAS, 1914, pp. 979 ff). The Satrapal family of Kusuluka was intimately connected with the Satraps of Mathura (of Inscription G on the Mathura Lion Capital). The coins of Liaka Kusuluka show the transition of the district to which they belonged from the rule of the Greek house of Eukratides to the Sakas (Rapson's Ancient India, p. 154). We know from the Taxila or Sirsukh plate, dated in the year 78, that Liaka was a Satrap of the great king Moga. (b) Manigul or Managula and his son Zeionises or Jihonia. — They were probably Satraps of Taxila during the reign of Azes II. (c) Indravarma and his son Aspavarma. — The latter acted as governor of both Azes II and Gondophernes. The Satraps of Mathura. The earliest of this line of princes probably were the associated rulers Hagana and Hagamasha. They were perhaps succeeded by Rafijubula. A genealogical table of the house of Rafijubula is given below : Rafijubula — Yasi-kamudha g0(]3Ba Nadasi-kaoa-Arta Kharaosta Rafijubula is known from inscriptions as well as coins. An inscription in Brahmi characters at Mora near Mathura calls him a Mahakshatrapa. But the Greek- legend on some of his coins describes him as "king of kings, the Saviour " showing that he probably declared his independence. THE SaKAS 239 Ranjubula was probably succeeded by his son $udasa. Inscription 13 on tlic Mathura Lion Capital mentions him as a Chhatrava (Satrap) and as the son of Mahachhatrava Rajdla (ilaiijubula). But later inscriptions at Mathura written in Brahml characters call him a Mahfikshatrapa. One of these inscriptions gives a date for him in the year 72 of an unspecified era. It is clear that during his father's lifetime he was only a Satrap. But on his father's death sometime before the year 72, he became a Great Satrap. Sten Konow adduces good grounds for believing that Sociasa dated his inscription in the Vikrama era (Ep. Ind., Vol. XIV, pp. 139-141). Consequently the year 72 corresponds to A.D. 15. Dr. Majumdar refers the dates of the Northern satraps (of Taxila and Mathura) to the $aka era, and places them in the middle of the second century A.D. But Ptolemy, who flourished about that time, places neither Taxila nor Mathura within Indo-Scythia, i.e., the $aka dominion. This shows that neither Taxila nor Mathura was a $aka possession in the second century A.D. The principal Indo-Scythian possessions in Ptolemy's time were Patalene (the Indus Delta) Abiria and Syrastrene (Kathia- war) (Ind. Ant., 1884, p. 354). This is exactly wThat we find in the Junagadh inscription of the Saka ruler Rudradaman who flourished in the middle of the second century A.D. In Ptolemy's time Taxila was included within the Arsa (Sans. Urasa) territory (Ind. Ant., 1884 p. 348) and Mathura belonged to the Kaspeiraioi (Ind. Ant., 1884, p. 350). Dr. Majumdar suggests that Ptolemy probably noticed the Saka empire of Maues and his succes- sors (which included Taxila, Mathura and U jjayini) under the name of Kaspeiraioi (University of Calcutta Journal of the Department of Letters, Vol. I, p. 98 n). But we should remember that far from including Taxila, Mathura and Western India within one empire, Ptolemy sharply ai 240 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA distinguishes theK.aspeirc.ioi from Indo-Skythia which was the real Saka domain in the middle of the second century A.D. (cf. Ptolemy, Ind. Ant., 1881, p. 351, and the Junagadh inscription of the &aka ruler Itudradaman). Moreover, the territory of the Kaspeiraioi must have included Kasmir (the land of Kas'yapa) ; and there is no evidence that the dynasty of Maues ever ruled in Kasmir. It was only under the kings of Kanishka's dynasty that Kasmir and Mathura formed parts of one and the same empire. The Kaspeiraioi of Ptolemy evidently referred to the Kushan empire. We learn from the Mathura Lion Capital that when Sudasa, i.e., $odasa was ruling as a mere Kshatrapa, Padika, i.e., Patika was a Mahakshatrapa. As Sodasa was a Mahakshatrapa in the year 72, he must have been a Kshatrapa before 72. Consequently Padika or Patika must have been reigning as a Mahakshatrapa contem- porary of the Kshatrapa Sodasa before tfie year 72. The Taxila plate of the year 78 however does not style Patika even as Kshatrapa. Dr. Fleet thinks that we have to do with two different Patikas. But Marshall andSten Konow think that Patika, who issued the Taxila plate, is identical with the Mahakshatrapa Padika of the Mathura Lion Capital, and that the era in which the inscription of Sam 72 is dated is not the same as in the Taxila plate of Sam 78. In other words while Pleet duplicates kings, Marshall and Sten Konow duplicate eras. It is difficult to come to any final decision from the scanty data at our disposal. "VVe should however remember that there are instances among the Western Kshatrapas of Chashtana \s line, of Mahakshatrapas being* reduced to the rank of Kshatrapas (cf. Majumdar, the Date of Kanishka, Ind. Ant., 1917), and of a Kshatrapa (Jayadaman) beinu: men- tioned without a title (Andhau Inscriptions). It is therefore not altogether improbable that the inscription of Sam 72 and that of Sam 78 arc dated in the same era, and that the two THE &AKAS H\ Patikas are identical. In the Janibigha inscription king Lakshmana Sena has no title prefixed to his name. If Sir John Marshall is right in reading the name of Aya (Azes) in the Taxila Inscription of 130, we have an additional instance of a king being mentioned without any title. Kharaosta was a grandson (daughter's son) of Ranju- bula and was consequently a nephew of Soda?a. The inscriptions A and E on the Mathura Lion Capital mention him as the Yiivaraya Kharaosta. His coins are of one class only, presenting legends in Greek characters on the obverse and in Kharoshthi on the reverse. The Kharoshthi legend runs thus : " Chhatrapasapra Kharaost isa Artasa putrasa." The coins of the family of RaSjubula are imitated from those of the Stratos and also of a line of Hindu princes who ruled at Mathura. This shows that in the Jumna valley Scythian rule superseded that of both Greek and Hindu princes. A fragmentary inscription found by Vogel on the site of Ganeshra near Mathura revealed the name of a Satrap of the Kshaharata family called Ghataka (J II AS, 1912, p. 121). The Nationality of the Northern Satraps. Cunningham held that the inscription P on the Mathura Lion Capital — Sarvasa Sakastanasa puyae — gave decisive proof that Ranjubula or Raj uvula, Sodasa an I other connected Satraps were of $aka nationality. Dr. Thomas shows, however, that the Satraps of Northern India were the representatives of a mixed Parthian and $aka domination. This is strongly supported a priori by the fact that Patika of Taxila, who bears himself a Persian name, mentions as his overlord the great king Moga whoso name is Saka. The inscriptions of the Lion Capital exhibit a mixture of Persian and Saka nomenclature. (Ep. Ind.,Vol. IX, pp. 138 ff.). 2t2 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA IF. The Paiilavas or Parthians. Already in the time of the Saka Emperors of the family of Maues-Moga, princes of mixed &aka-Pahlava origin ruled as Satraps in Northern India. Towards the middle of the first century A. D., Saka rule in parts of Gandhara was probably supplanted by that of the Pahlavas or Parthians. In the year 44 A. D., when Apollonios of Tyana is reputed to have visited Taxila, the throne was occupied by a Parthian named Phraotes who was independent of Vardanes, the king of Babylon, and himself powerful enough to exercise suzerain power over the Satrapy of Gandhara. Christian writers refer to a king of India named Gundaphar and his brother Gad who were converted by the apostle St. Thomas and who therefore lived in the first century A. D. We have no independent confirmation of the story of Apollonios. But the Takht-i-Bahai record of the year 103 (of an unspeci- fied era) shows that there was actually in the Peshwfir district a king named Gondophernes. The names of Gondophernes and of his brother Gad are also found on coins (Whitehead, p. 155). Dr. Fleet referred the date of the Takht-i-Bahai inscription to the Malava-Vikrama era, and so placed the record in A. D. 47 (JRAS, 1905, pp. 223-235; 1906, pp. 706-710; 1907, pp. 169-172; 1013-1040; 1913, pp. 9991003). He remarked "there should be no hesitation about referring the year 103 to the established Vikram\ era of B.C. 58; instead of having recourse, as in other cases too, to some otherwise unknown era beginning at about the same time. This places Gondophernes in A. D. 47 which suits exactly the Christian tradition which makes him a contemporary of St. Thomas the Apostle." The power of Gondophernes did not at first extend to the Gandhara region which, if Apollonios is to believed, THE PARTHIANS 243 was ruled in A. D. 44 by Phraotes. His rule seems to have been restricted at first to southern Afghanistan. He probably succeeded in annexing the Peshwar district after the death of Phraotes (if such a king really existed). There is no epigraphic evidence that he conquered Eastern Gandhara (Taxila) though he certainly wrested some provinces from the Azes family. The story of the superses- sion of the rule of Azes II by him in one of the Scythian provinces is told by the coins of Aspavarma. The latter at first acknowledged the suzerainty of Azes (II) but later on obeyed Gondophernes as his overlord. Evidence of the ousting of $aka rule by the Parthians in the Lower Indus valley is furnished by the author of the Periplus in whose time (about 60 or 80 A.D.),Minnagara, the metropolis of Scythia, i.e.,the $aka kingdom in the Lower Indus valley, was subject to Parthian princes who were constantly driving each other out. If Sir John Marshall is right in reading the name of Aya or Azes in the Taxila Inscription of 136, then it is clear that &aka rule survived in a part of Eastern Gandhara, while Peshwar and the Lower Indus valley passed into the hands of the Parthians. The Greek principality in the upper Kabul valley was extinguished about this time. We learn from Justin that the Parthians gave the coup tie grace to the rule of the Bactrian Greeks. This is quite in accordance with the evidence of Archaeology. Marshall says that Gondophernes annexed the Kabul valley, overthrew the Greek principality in that region, and drove out the last prince Hermaios. After the death of Gondophernes his empire split up into smaller principalities. One of these was ruled by Abdagases, another by Orthagnes and Pakores and others by princes whose coins Marshall recovered for the first time at Taxila. Among them were Sasan, Sapedanes and Satavastra. The internecine strife among M4 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA these Parthian princelings is probably alluded to by the author of the Periplus in the following passage : — " Before it (Barbaricum) there lies a small Island, and inland behind it is the metropolis of Scythia, Minnagara ; it is subject to Parthian princes who are constantly driving each other out." Epigraphic evidence proves that the Pahlava or Parthian rule in Afghanistan, the Pafijab and Sind was supplanted by that of the Gusana or Kusana or Kushan dynasty. We know that Gondophernes was ruling in Peshwar in the year 103 (A. D. 47 according to Fleet). But we learn from the Panj tar inscription that in the year 122 (A. P. 06 ?) the sovereignty of the region had passed to a Gusana or Kushan king. In the year 103 (A.. D. 79 ? ) the Kushan suzerainty had extended to Taxila. An inscription of that year (belonging probably to the reign of Azes II who was now a petty chief) mentions the interment of some relics of Buddha in a chapel at Taxila " for the bestowal of perfect health upon the Maharaja, rajatiraja devaputra Khushana." The Sue Vihar Inscription proves the Kushan conquest of the Lower Indus valley. The Chinese writer Panku who died in A.D, 92 refers to the Yueh-chi occupation of Kao-fou or Kabul. This shows that the race to which the Kushans belonged took possession of Kabul before A.D. 92. It is however asserted that Kao-fou is a mistake for Tou-mi. But the mistake in Kennedy's opinion would not have been possible, had the Yueh-chi not been in possession of Kao-fou in the time of Panku.1 The impor- tant thing to remember is that a Chinese writer of 92 A. D., thought Kao-fou to have been a Yueh-chi possession long before his time. If Stcn Konow is to be believed the Kushans had established some sort of connection with the Indian borderland as early as the ■ j. k a. s., mi* THE KUSHANS 245 time of Gondophernes. In line 5 of the Takht-i-Bahai inscription Sten Konow reads " erjhuna Kapsasa puyae " (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 294) " in honour of prince Kapsa " i.e., Kujula Kadphises, the Kushan king who succeeded Hermaios in the Kabul valley. Kujula Kadphises has been identified with the Kouei-chouang (Kushan) prince KiiTi-tsieu-kio who took possession of Kao-fou, Pota and Kipin. It appears from coins that this Kushan chief was an ally of Hermaios with whom he issued joint coins. The destruction of Hermaios' kingdom by the Parthians probably supplied him with a casus belli. He made war on the latter and destroyed their power in North-West India. III. The Kushans. We are informed by the Chinese historians that the Kushans were a clau of the Yueh-chi race. The modern Chinese pronunciation of the name according to Kingsmill is said to be Yue-ti. M. Levi and other French scholars write Yue-tchi or Yue-tchi. We learn from Ssu-ma-oh'ien who recorded the story of the travels of Chang-K'ien, that in or about B. C. 1C5 the Yueh-chi were dwelling between the Tsenn-hoang country and the K'ilien mountains, or T'ien-chan Range in Chinese Turkestan. At that date the Yueh-chi were defeated and expelled from their country by the Hiung- nu who slew their king and made a drinking vessel out of his skull. The widow of the slain king succeeded to her husband's power. Under her guidance the Yueh- chi in the course of their westward migration attacked the Wu-sun whose king was killed. After this exploit the Yueh-chi attacked the Sakas who fled into Kipin (Kapis'a-Lampaka-Gandhara). Meantime the son of the slain Wu-sun king grew up to manhood and drove the Yueh-chi further west into the Tahia (Dahac?) territory 246 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA washed by the Oxus. The Tahia who were devoted to com- merce, unskilled in war and wanting in cohesion were easily reduced to a condition of vassalage by the Yueh- chi who established their capital or royal encampment to the north of the Oxus, in the territory now belonging to Bukhara. The Yueh-chi capital was still in the same position when visited by Chang-kien in or about 13. C. 125 (J. B. A. S., 1903, pp. 19-20). The adventures of Chaug-Kien as related by Smi- ma-ch'ien in the Ssc-ki (completed before B. C. (.»1) were retold in Pan-ku's history of the First Han Dynasty (completed by Pan-ku's sister after his death in A. D. 92), with three important additions, namely: — 1. That the kingdom of the Ta-yueh-chi has for its capital the town of Kienchi (Lan-chau) and Kipin lies on its southern frontier. 2. That the Yueh-chi were no longer nomads. 3. That the Yrueh-chi kingdom had become divided into five principalities, viz., Hieou-mi, Chouang-mo, Kouei- chouang (Kushan), Hi-thum (Bamiyan region) and Kao- fou (Kabul).1 We next obtain a glimpse of the Yueh-chi in Fanye's history of the Later Han Dynasty which covers the period between A. D. .25 and 220. Fan-ye based his account on the report of Pan-young (cir. A. D. 125) and others. He himself died in 115 AD. He gives the following account of the Yueh-chi conquest. " In old days the Yueh-chi were vanquished by the Hiung-nu. They then went to Tahia and divided the kingdom among five Yabgous, ri:., those of Ilicou-mi, Chouang-mi, Kouei-chouang, Hitouen and Tou-mi. More than hundred years after that, the Yabgou of Kouei-chouang (Kushan) named K'ieou-tsieou- kio attacked and vanquished the four other Yabgous and 1 A later historian regards Kaofou &8 a mistake for Ton-mi. THE KUSHANS 17 called himself king; he invaded Ngan-si (Parthia?) and took possession of the territory of Kao-fou (Kabul), over- came Po-ta1 and Kipin and became completely master of these kingdoms. K'ieou-tsieou-kio died at the age of more than eighty. His son Yen-kao-tchen succeeded him as king. In his turn he conquered T'ien-tchou (India), and established there a chief for governing it. From this time the Yueh-chi became extremely powerful. All the other countries designate them Kushan after their king, but the Han retained the old name, and called them Ta- Yueh-chi." " K'ieou-tsieou-kio " has been identified with Kujula Kadphises, Kozola Kadaphes or Kujula kara Kadphises, the first Kushan king who struck coins to the south of the Hindukush. Numismatic evidence shows that he was the colleague, and afterwards the successor, of Hermaios, the last Greek prince of the Kabul valley. The preva- lent view that Kadphises conquered Hermaios is, in the opinion of Marshall, wrong. Sten Konow finds his name mentioned in the Takht-i-Bahai inscription of the year 103 belonging to the reign of Gondophernes. The in- scription probably belongs to a period when the Kushan and Parthian sovereigns were on friendly terms. But the Parthian attack on the kingdom of Hermaios apparently led to a rupture which ended in war. The result was that the Parthians were ousted by Kadphises I. Marshall identifies Kadphises I with the Kushan king of the Panjtar record (of the year 122) and the Taxila scroll of the year 136 (JRAS, 1914, pp. 977-7S). The monogram on the scroll is characteristic of coins of Vima Kadphises (II), but it is also found on coins of his predecessor. We should, however, remember that in the 1 Perhaps identical with the country of Po-lni which in the time of Sungyun sent two young lions to the King of GaudhAru as prusuut (Beal, Records cf the Western World, Vol. I, ci). 3* 248 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Taxila inscription of 13C the Kushan king is called T) putra, a title which was characteristic of the Kanishka group and not of Kadphises I or II. Kadphises I coined no gold. His coinage shows unmistakable influence of Home. He copied the issues of Augustus or those of Tiberius. He used the titles Yavuga and Maharaja Rajatiraja. " K'ieou-tsieou-kio " or Kadphises was succeeded by his son Yen-kao-tchen, the Hima, Vima or Wema Kadphises of the coins, who is usually designated as Kadphises II. We have already seen that he conquered Tien-tchou or the Indian interior and set up a chief who governed in the name of the Yueh-chi. According to Sten Konow (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 141) and Smith (The Oxford History of India, p. 128) Kadphises II established the Saka Era of A. D. 78. If this view be accepted then he was the overlord of Nahapana, and was the Kushan monarch who was defeated by the Chinese and compelled to pay tribute to the emperor Hoti (A. D. 89-105). But there is no direct evidence that Kadphises II established any era. No inscriptions or coins of this monarch contain any dates which are referable to an era of his institution. On the contrary we have evidence that Kanishka did establish an era, that is to say, his method of dating was continued by his successors and we have dates ranging from the year 3 to 99. The conquests of the Kadphises Kings opened up the path of commerce between the Roman Empire and India. Roman gold began to pour into this country in payment for silk, spices and gems. Kadphises II began to issue gold coins. He had an extensive bilingual gold and cop- per coinage. The obverse design gives us a new life-like; representation of the monarch. The reverse is confined to the worship of Siva. In the Kharoshthi inscription he THK KUSHANS 24fl is called " the great king, king of kings, lord of the world, the Mahis'vara, the defender." We learn from Yu-Houan, the author of the Wei-lio, composed between A.D. 230-265 that the Yueh-chi power was flourishing in Kipin (Kapisa-Gandhara), Ta-hia (Oxus Valley), Kao-fou (Kabul) and Tien-Tchou (India) as late as the third centurv A.D. But the Chinese authors are silent about the names of the successors of Yen kao-tchen (Kadphises II). Inscriptions discovered in India have preserved the names with dates of the following great Kushan sovereigns besides th.e Kadphises group, viz., Kanishka I (3-13), Vasishka (24-28), Huvishka (33-60), Kanishka II son of Vajheshka (41), and Vasudeva (74-98). Huvishka, Va-jheshka and Kanishka II are probably referred to by Kalhana as Hushka, Jushka and Kanishka who apparently ruled conjointly. It will be seen that Kanishka II ruled in the year 41, a date which falls within the reign of Huvishka (33-60). Thus the account of Kalhana is confirmed by epigraphic evidence. In the chronological order generally accepted by numismatists, the Kanishka group succeeded the Kadphises group. But this view is not accepted by many scholars. Moreover there is little agreement among scholars who place the Kanishka group after the Kadphises kings. The various theories of Kanishka's date are given below : 1. According to Dr. Fleet, Kanishka reigned before the Kadphises group, and was the founder of that reckoning, commencing B. C. 58, which afterwards came to be known as the Vikrama Sam vat. His view was accepted by Kennedy, but was ably controverted by Dr. Thomas, and can no longer be upheld after the discoveries of Marshall (Thomas, J.U.A.S., 1913; Marshall, J.R.A.S., 1914). Inscriptions, coins as well as the testimony of Hiuen- Tsang clearly prove that Kanishka's dominions included Gandhara, but we have already seen that according 250 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA to Chinese evidence the Sai-wang, i.e., Saka kings, and not the Kushans, ruled Kipin (Kapisa-Gandhara) in the second half of the first century B. C. 2. According to Marshall, Sten Konow, Smith and several other scholars Kanishka's rule began about 125 A.D., and ended in the second half of the second century A.D. Now, we learn from the Sue Vihar inscription that Kanishka's dominions included the Lower Indus Valley. Again we learn from the Junagadh inscription of Rudra- daman, that the Mahakshatrapa's conquests extended to Sindhu and Sauvira. Rudradaman certainly lived from A.D. 130 to A.D .150. He did not owe his position as Mahakshatrapa to anybody else (svayam adhigata Mahakshatrapa naraa). If Kanishka flourished in the middle of the second century A.D., how are we to reconcile his mastery over the Lower Indus Valley with the con- temporary sovereignty of Rudradaman ? Again Kanishka's dates 3-18, Vashishka's dates 24-28, Huvishka's dates 31-60, and Vasudeva's dates 74-98 suggest a continuous reckon- ing. In other words, Kanishka was the originator of an era. But we know of no era which commenced in the second century A.D. 3. Dr. Majumdar thinks that the era founded by Kanishka was the Kalachuri era of 248-49 A.D. Prof. Jouveau-Dubreuil points out that this is not possible (Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 31). " In fact, the reign of Vasudeva, the last of the Kushans, came to an end 100 years after the beginning of the reign of Kanishka. Numerous inscriptions prove that Vasudeva reigned at Mathura. It is certain that this country over which extended the empire of Vasudeva was occupied about 350 A.D. by the Yaudheyas and the Nagas and it is probable that they reigned in this place nearly one century before they were subjugated by Samudra Gupta. The capitals of the Nagas were Mathura, Kanttpura THE KUSHANS MX and Padmavatl." The theory of Dr. Majumdar cannot moreover he reconciled with the Tibetan tradition which makes Kanishka a contemporary of King Vijaya- klrti of Khotan (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 112) and the Indian tradition which makes Huvishka a contemporary of Nagarjuna and hence of a king of the Satavahana line of Kosala i.e., the upper Deccan which became extinguished in the first half of the third century A. D. The arguments against the theory of Dr. Majumdar are equally applicable to the theory of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar who places Kanishka's accession in A. D. 278. 4. According to Oldenberg, Thomas, 11. D. Banerji, llapson and many other scholars Kanishka was the founder of that reckoning commencing A. D. 78 which came to be known as the $aka era. This view is not accepted by Prof. Jouveau-Dubreuil on the following grounds : (a) If we admit that Kujula-Kadphises and Hermaios reigned about 50 A. D. and that Kanishka founded the Saka era in 78 A. D. we have scarcely 28 years for the duration of the end of the reigns of Kadphises I and the whole of the reign of Kadphises II. (But the period of 28 years is not too short in view of the fact that Kadphises II succeeded an cctogenarian. When Kadphises died "at the age of more than eighty " his son must have been an old man. It is therefore improbable that "his reign was protracted.") (b) Mr. Marshall, says Prof. Jouveau-Dubreuil, has discovered at Taxila in the Chir Stupa a document dated 136, which, in the Vikrama era, corresponds to 79 A.D. and the king mentioned therein is probably Kadphises I, but certainly not Kanishka. (Now, the epithet Devaputra applied to the Kushan king of the Taxila scroll of 136, is characteristic of the Kanishka group, and not of the Kadphises kings. So the fc52 POLITICAL HISTORY OP INDIA discovery, far from shaking the conviction of those thai attribute to Kanishka the era of 78 A.D., rather strengthens it. Tne omission of the personal name of the Kushan monarch does not necessarily imply that the first Kushan is meant. In several inscriptions of the time of Kumara Gupta and Budha Gupta, the king is referred to simply as Gupta nripa). (c) Prof. J. Dubreuil says " Mr. Sten Konow has shown that the Tibetan and Chinese documents tend to prove that Kanishka reigned in the second century." (This Kanishka may have been Kanishka of the Inscription of the year 41 which, if referred to the Saka era, would give a date in the second century A.D. Po-t'iao (Vasudeva ? Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 141) may have been one of the successors of Vasudeva I ; " coins bearing the name of Vasudeva continued to be struck long after he had passed away " EHI, p. 272 ; Dr. Smith and Mr. R. D. Banerji clearly recognised the existence of more than one Vasudeva (ibid, pp. 272-278). ((f) Mr. Sten Konow has shown that the inscrip- tions of the Kanishka era and those of the Saka era are not dated in the same fashion. [But the same scholar also shows that the inscriptions of the Kanishka era are also not dated in the same fashion. In the Kharoshtfit inscriptions Kanishka and his successors recorded the dates in the same way as their Saka-Pahlava predecessor >. giving the name of the month and the day within the month. On the other hand in their Brahmi records, Kanishka and his successors adopted the ancient Indian way of dating (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 141). Are we to con- clude from this that the Kharoshthi dates of Kanishka's inscriptions, are not to be referred to the same era to which the dates of the Brahmi records are to be ascribed ? If Kanishka adopted two different ways of dating, we fail to understand why he could not have adopted a third THE kushAns method to suit the local conditions in western India. Sten Konovv himself points out that in the Saka dates we have the name of the month, as in the Kharoshthi records, with the addition of the Paksha. " The Saka era which they (the western Kshatrapas) used was a direct imitation of the reckoning used by their cousins in the north-west, the additional mentioning of the paksha being perhaps a concession to the custom in the part of the country where they ruled." It is not improbable that just as Kanishka io the borderland used the old Saka-Pahlava method, and in Hindusthan used the ancient Indian way of dating prevalent there, so in western India his officers added the paksha to suit the custom in that part of the country]. Kanishka completed the Kushan conquest of upper India and ruled over a wide realm which extended from Gandhara and Kas'mir to Benares. Traditions of his conflict with the rulers of Soked (Saketa) and Pataliputra are preserved by Tibetan and Chinese writers (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 142 ; Ind. Ant., 1903, p. 382). Epigraphic records give contemporary notices of him, with dates, not only from Zeda in the Yuzufzai country and from Manikiala near Rawalpindi, but also from Sue Vihar (north of Sind), from Mathura and Sravasti, and from Sarnath near Benares. His coins are found in considerable quantities as far eastwards as Gazipur. The eastern portion of his empire was apparently governed by the Maha Kshatrapa Kharapallana and the Kshatrapa Vanashpara. He fixed his own residence at Peshawar (Purushapura) and established Kanishkapura in Kas'mir. It is however probable that Kanishkapura was established by his namesake of the Ara inscription. After making himself master of the South (i.e. India) Kanishka turned to the west and defeated the King of the Parthians (Ind. Ant., 1903, p. 382). In his old age he led an army against the north and died in an attempt to cross the 254 POLITICAL HISTORY OF IXDtA Tsungling mountains between Gandhara and Khotan. The Northern expedition is apparently referred to by Hiuen Tsang who speaks of Chinese Princes detained as hostages at his court. Kanishka's fame rests not so much on his conquests, as on his patronage of the religion of Sakyamuni. Numis- matic evidence shows that he actually became a convert to Buddhism. He showed his zeal for his new faith by build- ing the celebrated relic tower at Purushapura or Peshawar which excited the wonder of the Chinese pilgrims. He convoked the last great Buddhist council. But though a Buddhist the Kushan monarch continued to honour his old Zeroastrian, Greek, Mithraic and Hindu gods. The court of Kanishka was adorned by Asvaghosha, Charaka, Nagarjuna and other worthies. After Kanishka came Vasishka, Huvishka and Kanishka of the Ara inscription. We have got two in- scriptions of Vasishka dated 24 and 28. He may have been identical with Vajheshka the father of Kanishka of the Ara inscription, and Jushka of the Rajataraiigini. Huvishka's dates range from 33 to 60. Kalhana's narrative leaves the impression that he ruled simul- taneously with Jushka and Kanishka, i.e., Va-jheshka and Kanishka of the Ara inscription of the year 41. The Wardak vase inscription proves the inclusion of Kabul within his dominions. But there is no evidence that he retained his hold on Sind which was probably wrested from the successors of Kanishka I by Rudradaman. In Kas'mir Huvishka built a town named Hushkapura. like Kanishka I he was a patron of Buddhism and built a splendid monastery at Mathura. He also resembled Kanishka in an eclectic taste for a medley of Greek, Persian and Indian deities. Smith does not admit that the Kanishka of the Ara inscription of the year 41 was different from the great Tin-: kushANs Kanishka. Liiders and Sten Konow however distinguish the two Kanishkas. According to Liiders Kanishka of the Ara inscription was a son of Vfisishka and probably a grandson of Kanishka I (tip. Ind., XIV, p. 14»8). Kanishka II had the titles Maharaja, Rajatiraja, Devaputra, and Kaisara. It is possible that he, and not Kanishka I, was the founder of the town of Kanishka- pura in Kasmlra. The last notable kinsr of Kanishka's line was Vasudeva. His dates range from the year 7fc to 90, i.e., A.D. 152 to 177 according to the system of chronology adopted in these pages. He does not appear to have been a Buddhist. His coins exhibit the figure of $iva attended by Nandi. There can be no doubt that he reverted to Saivism, the religion professed by his great predecessor Kadphises II. The inscriptions of Vasudeva have been found only in the Mathura region. From this it is not unreasonable to surmise that he lost his hold over the North- Western portion of the Kushan dominions. In the third century A. D., we hear of the existence of not less than four kingdoms all ' dependent on the Yueh-chi,' i c, ruled by princes of the Yueh-chi stock.1 These were Ta-hia (Oxus region), Ki-pin (Kapis'a), Kao-fou (Kabul) and Tien-tchou (India proper). The Yueh-chi kingdom of Tien-tchou probably disappeared in the fourth century A. D., being conquered by the Nagas. The prevalence of Naga rule over a considerable portion of northern and central India in the third and fourth centuries A.D., is amply attested by epigraphic evidence. A Lahore copper seal inscription of the fourth century A. D., refers to a king named Mahesvara Naga, the son of Nagabhatta ' Among the successors of Vasudeva may be mentioned Kanishko (III), Vasu (Whitehead, Indo-Greek Coins, pp. 211-212), and Grumbatos (Smith, EHI, p. L'T t), The last king of Kanishka's race wns Lagaturman who waa overthrown by his BrtUimana minister KnllSr (Albemni, II, 10). 33 256 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA (CII, p. 283). The Allahabad Pillar Inscription refers to King Ganapati Naga, while several Vakataka records men- tion Bhava Naga king of the Bharas'ivas whose grand-son's grandson Kudrasena II was a contemporary of Chandra Gupta II, and who accordingly must have flourished long before the rise of the Gupta Empire. We learn from the Puranas that the Nagas established themselves at Vidis'a, Padmavati, Kantipuri and even Mathura which wis the southern capital of Kanishka and his successors (JKA>. 1905, p. 233). The greatest of the Naga Kings was perhaps Chandrams'a ' the second Nakhavant,' who was probably identical with the great king Chandra of the Delhi Iron Pillar inscription. The Kushans however continued to rule in the Kabul valley. One of them was probably the Daivaputrasahi sahanusahi who sent valuable presents to Samudra Gupta. In the sixth century the Kushans had to fight hard against the Huns. Kabul, their capital, was finally taken by the Moslems in 870 A. D. After that date the royal residence was shifted to Ohind, on the Indus. The line of Kauishka was finally extinguished by the Brahmana Kallar. SCYTHIAN RULE IN SOUTHERN AND WESTERN INDIA I. Tub Kshauaratas. We have seen that in the first century B. C, the Scythians possessed Ki-pin (Kapisa-Gandhara) and after- wards extended their sway over a large part of Northern India. The principal Scythic dynasties continued to rule in the north. But a Satrapal family, the Kshaharatas, extended their power to western India and the Deccan, and wrested Maharashtra from the Satavahanas. The Satava- hana King apparently retired to the southern part of his dominions, probably to the Janapada of the Bellary District which came to be known as Satavahani-hara, and was at one time under the direct administration of a military governor (mahasenapati) named Skandanaga (Ep. Ind., XIV, 155). The name of the Scythian conquerors of Maha- rashtra, Kshaharata, seems to be identical with " Karatai/' the designation of a famous Saka tribe mentioned by the geographer Ptolemy (Ind. Ant., 1881, p. 400). The known members of the Kshaharata, Khaharata, or Chaharata, family are Ghataka, Bhumaka and Nahapana. Of these Ghataka belonged to the Mathura region. Bhu- maka was a Kshatrapa of Kathiawar. Rapson says that he preceded Nahapana. His coin types are "arrow, discus and thunderbolt." These types may be compared with the reverse type " discus, bow and arrow " of certain copper coins struck conjointly by Spalirises and Azes I. Nahapana was the greatest of the Kshaharata Satrap*. Eight Cave Inscriptions discovered at Pandulena, near Nasik, J miliar and Karlc (in the Poona District) prove the inclusion of a considerable portion of Maharashtra 258 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA within his dominions. Seven of these inscriptions describe the benefactions of his son-in-law Ushavadit i, the &ika, while the eighth inscription specifies the charitable works of Ayama the Amiltya. Ushavadata's inscriptions indicate that Nahapana's political influence extended from Poona (in Maharashtra) and &Qrparaka (in North Konkon) to Mandasor (Das'apura in Malwa) and the district of Ajmir including Pushkara, the place of pilgrimage to which Ushavadata resorted for consecration after his victory over the Malayas or Malavas. The Nasik and Karle records give the dates 11. I -J. 15 of an unspecified era, and call Nahapana a Kshatrapa, while the Junnar epigraph of Ayama specifies the date 10 and speaks of Nahapana as Mahakshatrapa. The generally accepted view is that these dates are to be referred to the &ika era of 78 A. D. The name Nahapana is no doubt Persian, but the Kshaharata tribe to which Nahapana belonged was probably a saka tribe, and Ushavadata, son- in-law of Nahapana, distinctly calls himself a SSaka. ]t i» therefore probable that the era of 78 A.D., derives its name of Saka era from the Saka princes of the House of Nahapana. Rapson accepts the view that Nahapana's dates are recorded in years of the Sika era, beginning in 78 A.D., and therefore assigns Nahapana to the period A. D 119 to A. D. 124. Several scholars identify Nahapana with Mambarus (Nambanus ?) of the Periplus whose capital was Minnagara in Ariake. According to Prof. Bhandarkar Minnagara is modern Mandasor,1 and Ariake is Aparan- tika.2 Mr. R. D. Banerji and Prof. Jouveau-Dubreuil are, however, of opinion that Nahapana's dates are not referable to the £aka era. They say that if ire admit that the inscriptions of Nahapana are dated in the Saka era, there will be only an interval of five yean 1 Sec also Boml>. Qu . I I. Lfi n. * Ariake may be Arya*-a of Varahaiiiihiru'a Brihut Sauihiiil. TIIK KS 11 A II A RAT AS M between the inscription of this king, dated 16, and the inscriptions of Rudradaman, dated 52. Within these years must have taken place : ( ) The end of Nahapana's reign ; (2) The destruction of the Kshaharatas ; (3) The accession of Chashtana as Kshatrapa, his reign as Kshatrapa, his accession as a Maha- kshatrapa, and his reign as Mahakshatrapa ; (4) The accession of Jayadaman as Kshatrapa, his reign as Kshatrapa, and perhaps also his reign as Mahakshatrapa ; (5) The accession of Rudradaman and the beginning of his reign. There is no necessity, however, of crowding the events mentioned above within five years (between the year 16, the last known date of Nahapana, and the year 52, the first known date of Rudradaman). There is nothing to show that Chashtana's family came to power after the destruc- tion of the Kshaharatas. The line of Chashtana may have been ruling in Cutch (as the Andhau inscriptions of the year 52 suggest) while the Kshaharatas were ruling in Malwa and Maharashtra. Moreover there is no good ground for believing that a long interval elapsed from the accession of Chashtana to that of Rudradaman. Professors Bhandarkar and Majumdar have pointed out that the Andhau inscriptions clearly prove that Chashtana and Rudradaman ruled conjointly in the year 52. Prof. J. Dubreuil rejects their view on the ground that there is no "cha" after Rudradaman in the text of the inscription (Rajna Chashtanasa Ysamotikaputrasa rajna Rudradamasa Jayadamaputrasa varshe dvipachase 50, 2). Prof. Dubreuil translates the passage thus : In the 52nd year, in the reign of Rudradaman, son of Jayadaman, grandson of Chashtana and great-grandson of Ysfunotika. •:C,i) POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA The Professor who objects to a clut, himself makes me not only of " and " but also of the words " grandson " and " great-grandson " no trace of which can be found in the original record. Had his translation been what the writer of the Andhau inscriptions intended, we should have ex- pected to lind the name of Ysamotika first, and then the name of Chashtana followed by those of Jayadaman and Rudradaman — Ysamotika prapautrasa Chashtana pautrasa Jayadamaputrasa Rudradamasa (cf. the Gunda and Jasdhan inscription*). Moreover, it is significant that in the text of the inscription there is no royal title prefixed to the name of Javadfiman who ruled between Chashtana and Rudradaman according to Dubreuil. On the other hand both Chashtana and Rudradaman are called raja. The two are mentioned in exactly the same way — with the honorific Raja and the patronymic. The literal transla- tion of the inscriptional passage is M in the year 52 of king Chashtana son of Ysamotika, of king Rudradaman son of Jayadaman," and this certainly indicates that the year 52 belonged to the reign both of Chashtana and Rudradaman. The conjoint rule of two kings was known to ancient Hindu writers on polity (cf. Dvairajya in Kau- tilya's Arthas'astra, p. 325).1 The theory of the conjoint rule of Chashtana and his grandson is supported by the fact that Jayadaman did not live to be Mahakshatrapa and must have predeceased his father Chashtana as, unlike Chashtana and Rudradaman, he is called simply a Ksha- trapa (not Mahakshatrapa and Bhadramukha) even in the inscriptions of his descendants (cf. the Gunda and Jasdhan inscriptions). We have already noticed the fact that the title raja, which is given to Chashtana and liudradamau in the Andhau inscriptions, is not given to Javadfiman. 1 Of. also tlic chisMi'nl .Hcoui.t of I'iitalon.v p. 134 nnfr; (lie c-nsc of Dlipt.-imslitm iind Duryodliaim in tlio (Iront Kpio ; of KukrntiMen and lii.« MB in .Iintin's work : of Strnto I nnri Strato II j of Azcii and Aziliaes, etc., etc. THE kSllAll AKATA- 2d I Mr. R. D. Banerji says that the inscriptions of Nahapana cannot be referred to the same era as used on the coins and inscriptions of Chashtana's dynasty because if we assume that Nahapana was dethroned in 46 8. K. Gautamiputra must have held Nasik up to 52 & E. (from liis 18th to his 21th year), then Pulumayi held the city up to the 22nd year of his reign, i. e., up to at least 7 I S. B. But Rudradaman is known to have defeated Pulu- mftyi and taken Nasik before that time. Banerji's error lies . in the tacit assumption that Rudradaman twice occupied Nasik before the year 73 of the Saka era. Another untenable assumption of Mr. Banerji is that Rudradaman finished his conquests before the year 52 or A. D. 130, whereas the Andhau inscriptions merely imply the possession of Cutch by the House of Chashtaua. The theory of those who refer Nahapana's dates to the Saka era, is confirmed by the fact pointed out by Prof. Bhandarkar that a Nasik inscription of Nahapana refers to the gold currency of the Kushans Avho could not have ruled in India before the first century A. D. The power of Nahapana and his allies was threatened by the Malayas (Malavas) from the north, and the Siltavahanas from the south. The incursion of the Malavas was repelled by Ushavadata But the Satavahana attack proved fatal to Saka rule in Maharashtra. The Nasik pras'asti calls Gautamiputra Satakarni the uprooter of the Kshaharata race and the restorer of the Satavahana power. That Nahapana himself was overthrown by Gautamiputra is proved by the testimony of the Jogaltembhi hoard which consisted of Nahapana's own coins and coins restruck by Gautamiputra. In the restruck coins there was not a single one belonging to any prince other than Nahapana as would certainly have been the case if any ruler had intervened between Nahapftna and Gautamiputra. 269 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA II. The Restoration or the Satavahana Empike. Gautamiputra's victory over the Kshaharatas led to the restoration of the Satavahana power in Maharashtra and the adjoining provinces. The recovery of Maharash- tra is proved by a Niisik inscription dated in the year Is and a Karle epigraph addressed to the Amatya in charge of Mamala (the district round Karle, modern Maval). But this was not the only achievement of Gautamiputra. We learn from the Nasik record of queen Gautami that her son destroyed the Sakas, Yavanas and Pahlavas, and that his dominions extended not only over Asika, Asaka (Asmaka on the Godavari, i.e., Maharashtra),1 and Mulaka (the district round Paithan), but also over Suratha (Kathiawar), Kukura (in Central India, probably near the Pariyatra or the Western Vindhyas ( Brihat Samhita, XIV. 4), Aparanta (North Konkon), Anupa (district round Mahismati on the Narmada), Yidarbha (Berar), and Akara- Avanti (East and West Malwa). He is further styled lord of all the mountains from the Vindhyas to the Travancore hills. The names of the Andhra country (Andhrapatha) and Kosala are however conspicuous by their absence. Inscriptions and the testimony of Hiuen Tsang prove that both these territories were at one time or other included within the Satavahana empire. The earliest Satavahana king whose inscriptions have been found in the Andhra region is Pulumayi, son of Gautamiputra. According to Sir l\. G. Bhandarkar and Prof. Bhandarkar, Gautamiputra reigned conjointly with his son Pulumayi. They give the following reasons : (1) In Gautami's inscription (dated in the I9th war of her grandson Pulumayi) she is called the mother of the great king and the grandmother of the great king. Thifl 1 Shninnsastry's translation of tho Artha5«htrn, p. 148, n. 2. THE RESTORED SATAVAHANAS NJ statement would be pointless if she were not both at one and the same time. (2) If it were a fact that Gautamiputra was dead when the queen-mother's inscription was written, and Pulumayi alone was reigning, we should expect to find the exploits of the latter also celebrated in the inscription. But there is not a word in praise of him. A king dead for 19 years is extolled, and the reigning king passed in silence. (3) The inscription dated in the year 24, engraved on the cast wall of the Veranda of the Nasik Cave No. 3, which records a grant made by Gautamiputra and his mother, 11 whose son is living," in favour of certain Buddhist monks "dwelling in the cave which was a pious {/if I of theirs" presupposes the gift of the Nasik Cave No. 3 in the 19th year of Pulumayi. Consequently Gautamiputra was alive after the 19th year of his son. As regards point (1), it may be said that usually a queen sees only her husband and son on the throne. Queen Gau- tami Balasri, on the other hand, was one of the fortunate (or unfortunate) few who saw grandchildren on the throne. Therefore she claimed to be the mother of a great king and the grandmother of a great king. As to point (2), although it is not customary for an ordinary subject to extol a dead king and pass over a reigning monarch in silence, still it is perfectly natural for a queen-mother in her old age to recount the glories of a son who was associated with her in a previous gift. As to point (3), it is not clear that the gift referred to in the postscript of the year 24 was identical with the grant of the year 19 of Pulumayi. The donors in the postscript were king Gautamiputra and his mother, the donor in the year 19 of Pulumfiyi was tin* queen-mother alone. In the inscription of the year 24, the queen-mother is called M&h&deYl/tvajtf/d Rajamata. In Pulumayi's inscrip- tion the epithets Mahadevi and Raj aniata arc retained but 84 •>M POLITICAL HISTORY OF IN 1)1 a the epithet " Jivasuta " is significantly omitted. The donees in the former grant were the Tekirasi ascetics, the donees in the latter grant were the Bhadavaniya monks. The object of grant in the former case may have been merely the Veranda of Cave No. 3, which contains the postscript of the year 24>, and whose existence before the. 19th year of Pulumayi is attested by an edict of Gautamiputra of the year 18. On the other hand the cave given away to the Bhadavaniya monks was the whole of Cave No. 3. If Gautamiputra and his son reigned simultaneously, and if the latter ruled as his father's colleague in Maha- rashtra, then it is difficult to explain why Gautamiputra addressed the officer at Govardhana directly, ignoring his son who is represented as ruling over Maharashtra, while in the record of the year 19, Pulumayi is considered as so important that the date is recorded in the years of his reign, and not in that of his father who was the senior ruler.1 The generally accepted view is that Pulumayi suc- ceeded Gautamiputra. We learn from Ptolemy that his capital was Baithan, i. e., Paithan or Pratisthilna on the Godavari, identified by Bhandarkar with Navanara. In- scriptions and coins prove that Pulumayi's dominions included the Krishna district as well as Maharashtra. We have already seen that the Andhra country is not mentioned in the list of countries over which Gautamiputra held his sway. It is not altogether improbable that Vasishthiputra Pulumayi was the first to establish the Satavahana power in that region. Sukhtankar identifies him with Siri Pulumayi, king of the Satavahanas, men- tioned in an inscription discovered in the Adoni taluk of the Bellary district. But the absence of the distinguishing matronymic probably indicates that the king referred 1 (/. K. D liamiji | J. B, A. S, l'.MT. M Ml •' «*j. THE RESTORED sA'l'W WIAX.AS ■.•»;:, to in the inscription is Pulumayi I of the Puninas. Rapson identified Pulumayi with Vasishthiputra Sri Satakarni who is represented in a Kanheri inscription as the husband of a daughter of the Mahakshatrapa Ru(dra). He further identifies this Rudra with Rudradaman and savs that Pulumavi must be identified with Satakarni, lord of the Deccan, whom Rudradaman " twice in fair fight completely defeated, but did not destroy on account of the nearness of their connection." Prof. Bhandarkar does not accept the identification of Pulumayi with Vasishthiputra Sri Satakarni of the Kanheri Cave In- scription. He identifies the latter with Siva Sri Satakarni, the Siva Sri of the Matsya Purana, probably a brother and successor of Pulumayi. Another brother of Pulumayi was probably Sri Chandra Sati. The next important kings were Sri Sata (mis-called Sakasena) and Yajfiasrl Satakarni. Yajiiasri's inscriptions, which prove that he reigned for at least 2/ years, are found at the following places, viz., Nasik, Kanheri, and China (Krishna district). His coins are found in Gujarat, Kathiawar. East Malwa, Aparanta, the Central Provinces, and the Ktishna district. There can be no doubt that he ruled over both Maharashtra and the Andhra country. Smith says that his silver coins imitating the coinage of the Saka rulers of I jjain probably point to victories over the latter, and that the coins bearing the figure of a ship suggest the inference that the king's power extended over the sea. Yajiiasri was the last great king of his dynasty. After his death the Satavahanas probably lost Maharashtra to the Abhira king Isvarasena. The later Satavahana princes — Sri Rudra Satakarni, Sri Krishna Satakarni and others—^ ruled in Eastern Deccan and were supplanted by the Ikshvakus and the Pallavas. The Satakarnis of Kuntala, or the Kanarese districts, were supplanted by the Pallavas tm POLITICAL HISTORY Off INDIA and Kadambas. A new power — the Vakataka — arose in the central Deccan probably towards the close of the third century A. D. III. The &akas op Ujjain. The greatest rivals of the restored Sataviihana Empire were at first the Saka Kshatrapas of Ujjain. The progeni- tor of the $aka princes of Ujjain was Ysamotika who was the father of Chashtana, the first Mahakshatrapa of the family. The name of Ysamotika is Scythio (JRAS, 1906, p. 211). His descendant, who was killed by Chandra Gupta If, is called a &ika king by Bana in his Harsha- charita. It is therefore assumed by scholars that the Kshatrapa family of Ujjain was a &aka family. The proper name of the dynasty is not known. Rapson says that it may have been Karddamaka. The daughter of Rudradaman boasts that she is descended from the family of Karddamaka kings ; but she may have been indebted to her mother for this distinction. The Kardda- maka kings apparently derive their name from the Karda- ma, a river in Persia (Parasika, Shama Sastry's translation of Kautilya, p. 86). According to Dubreuil, Chashtana ascended the throne in A. I). 78, and was the founder of the Saka era. But this is improbable in view of the fact that the capital of Chashtana (Tiastanes) was Ujjain (Ozene of Ptolemy), whereas we learn from the Periplus that Ozene was not a capital in the seventies of the first century A.D.1 The Periplus speaks of Ozene as a former capital, implying that it was not a capital in its own time. The earliest known date of Chashtana is S. E. 52 t. e. A. D. 130. We learn from the Andhau inscriptions that 1 Tht Periplu* mentions Malichos (Waliku) the king of the Nubataoau* who died in A. D. 75, and Zoscalea (Za Hakale) king of the Anxumito* who reigned from A. D. 7« to m (JRAS, 1917, 827 MO). THE SAKAS OF I 'J J A IN 2*9 in the year A. D. 130 Chashtana was ruling conjointly with his grandson Rudradaman. Prof. Bhandarkar points out that his foreign title Kshatrapa, and the use of the Kharoshthi alphabet on his coins, clearly show that he was a Viceroy of some northern power — probably of the Kushans. Jayadaman, son of Chashtana, seems to have acted merely as a Kshatrapa and to have pre-deceased his father, and the latter was succeeded as Mahiikshatrapa by Rudradaman. Rudradaman became an independent Mahakshatrapa sometime between the years 52 and 72 (A. D. 130 and 150). We learn from the Junagadh Rock Inscription of the year 72 that men of all caste chose him as protector and that he won for himself the title of Mahakshatrapa. This probably indicates that he declared his independence. The place names in the inscription seem to show that the rule of Rudradaman extended over Purvaparakara- vanti (East and West Malwa), Anupanivrit or the Mahishmati (Mandhata ?) region, Anirtta1 (district round Dwarakft), Surashtra (district round Junagadh), Svabhra (the country on the banks of the Sabarmati), Maru (Marwar), Kachchha (Cutch), Sindhu-Sauvlra (the Lower Indus valley * ), Kukura (part of central India, probably near the Pariyatra Mt, according to the Brihat tSarhhita, XIV, 4), Aparanta (N. Konkon), Xishada (in the region of the Western Vindhyas, cf. Pariyatracharah, Mbh., xii. 135,3-5), etc. Of these places Surashtra, Kukura, Aparanta, Anupa, and Akaravanti formed part of Gautamiputra's dominions, and must have been con- quered either from that king or one of his sons. The 1 Ai.ai tm ui:j\ however designate the district round Vadanngnru (Bow. Uaz. I, i, 6). In that case Kukura should be placed in the Dw&raka region. The Bb&gavata Purana refers to Dwftraka as " Kukurandhakavrislinibhih^uptlh (I. 1 1. 10). - Sindhu is the inland portion (VV'atters, Yuau Chwang II. 252, 253, read with 256). 8auvlra is the littoral (Milinda Panho, SHK . XXXVI, 269). 268 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Junagadh inscription supplies the information that Rudra- daman twice defeated $atakarni, lord of the Deccan, but did not destroy him on account of their near relationship. According to Prof. Bhandarkar this Satakarni was Gautamtputra himself whose son Vasishthiputra Satakar- ni was Rudradaman's son-in-law. According to Rapson the lord of the Deccan defeated by Rudradaman WBfl Pulumayi. Rudradaman also conquered the Yaudheyas, who are known, from a stone inscription to have occupied the Bijayagadh region in the Bbaratpur state. If the Kushan chronology accepted by us be correct then he must have wrested Sindhu-Sauvira from one of the successors of Kanishka I. Rudradaman apparently held his court at Ujjain, which is mentioned by Ptolemy as the capital of his grand- father Chashtana, placing the provinces of Anarta and Surashtra under his Pallava Amatya, Suvisakha, who con- structed a new dam on the Sudars'ana Lake. The great Kshatrapa is said to have gained fame by studying grammar (Sabda), polity (artba), music (giuidharva logic (nyaya), etc. As a test of the civilised character of his rule it may be noted that he took, and kept to the end of his life, the vow to stop killing men except in battle. The Sudarsana embankment was built and the lake reconstructed by M expending a great amount of money from bis own treasury, without oppressing the people of the town and of the province by exacting taxes (Kara), forced labour (Vishti) ; benevolences (Pranaya), and the like" (Bomb. Gaz., I, 1, 3. U). The king was helped in the work of government by an able staff <>f officials, who were' fully endowed with the qualifications of ministers (amatya guna samudyuktaih) and were divided into two classes, viz., Matisachiva (councillors) and Karmasachiva (Executive officers). THE SAKAS OF UJJAlK 269 Rudradaman was succeeded by his eldest son Dama- ghaftda I. After Damaghsada there were (according to Rapson) two claimants for the succession : his son Jivadaman and his brother Rudra Simha I. The struggle was eventually decided in favour of the latter. To Rudra Simha's reign belongs the Gunda inscription of the year 103 ( = A. D. 181) which records the digging of a tank by an Abhlra general named Rudrabhuti, son of the general Bapaka. The Abhlras afterwards usurped the position of Mahakshatrapa. According to Prof. Bhandar- kar an Abhlra named Tsvaradatta was the Mahakshatrapa of the period 188-90 A. D. But Rapson places Tsvaradatta after A. D. 236. Rudra Simha T was followed by his sons Rudrasena I,1 Saiighadaman and Damasena. Three of "Damasena's sons became Mahakshatrapas, viz., Yasodiiman, Vijayasena and Damajada &ri. This last prince was succeeded by his nephew Rudrasena II who was followed by his sons Visva- siriiha and Bhartridaman. Under Bhartridaman his son Vis'vasena served as Kshatrapa. The connection of Bhartridaman and Vis'vasena with the next Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman II and his succes- sors cannot be ascertained. The last known member of the line was Rudra Simha III who ruled up to at least A. D. 388. The rule of the $akas of Western India was destroyed by the Guptas. Already in the time of Samudra Gupta the Sakas appear among the peoples represented as doing respectful homage to him. The TJdayagiri Inscriptions of Chandra Gupta II testify to that monarch's conquest of Eastern Malwa. One of the inscriptions commemo- rates the construction of a cave by a minister of Chandra 1 To Riuh-aspmiV reign belongs the Muhvasar inscription of A. D. 200, and Jasdhan inscription of A. U. 205. In the latter inscription we have the title Bhadra. mnlha applied to all the ancestors of Rudiasenn excepting Jayadama. 270 POLITICAL HISTORY OF 1NDU Gupta who " came here, accompanied by the king in person, who was seeking to conquer the whole world.*' The subjugation of western Malwa is probably hinted at by the epithet " Simhavikrantagamini," or vassal of Siriiha- Vikrama, I thapaka (the censor), and the Bhatasvapati (lord of the army and cavalry), and the following offices, e.g., Yuvarajapadtya Kumaramatyadhikarana (office of the minister of His Highness the Crown Prince, according to Vogel), Ranabhandagaradhikarana (office of the chief treasurer of the war department), Baladhikarana (office of the chief of the military forces), Dandapasadhikarana (office of the chief of Police), Ttrabhuktyuparikadhikarana (office of the governor of Tirhut), Tirabhuktau Vinaya- sthiti-sthapakadhikarana (office of the Censor ? of Tirhut), Vaisalyadhisthanadhikarana (office of the governor of Vaisali), Sriparamabhattarakapadiya Kumaramatyadhi- karana (office of the minister of the Prince waiting on His Majesty). The reference to the Parishad of Udanakupa shows that the Parishad still formed an important element of the Hindu machinery of government. The reference to the corporation of bankers, traders and merchants (Sreshthi-sarthavaha-kulika-nigama) is of interest to students of economics. Chandra Gupta II had at least two queens, Dhruvadevl and Kuveranaga. The first queen was the mother of Kumara Gupta I and Govinda Gupta. The second queen 36 288 POLITICAL HISTORY OK INDIA was the mother of Prabhavati who became queen of the Vakat&kas. Certain mediaeval chiefs of the Kanarese country claimed descent from Chandra Gupta. Kvmara Gupta I Mahendradilya. Chandra Gupta IPs successor was Kumara Gupta I Mahendraditya ' whose certain dates range from A.D. 415 to A. D. 455. His extensive coinage, and the wide distribution of his inscriptions show that he was able to retain his father's Empire including the western provinces. One of his viceroys, Chiratadatta, governed Pundravardhana Bhukti or north Bengal (cf. the Darao- darpur plates of the years 124 and 129) ; another viceroy, prince Ghatotkacha Gupta, governed the province of Eran which included Tumbavana (M.B. Garde, Ind. Ant., 1920, p. 114, Tumain Inscription of the year 116, />., A.D. 435) ; a third viceroy or feudatory, Bandhuvarman, governed Dasapura (Mandasor Inscription of A.D. 437-8). The Karamadande inscription of A.D. 436 mentions Prithivishena who was a Mantrin and Kumaramatya, and afterwards Mahabaladhikrita or general under Kumara Gupta, probably stationed in Oudh. Like his father Kumara was a tolerant king. During his rule the worship of Svami Mahasena (Kartikeya), Buddha, $iva in the liiiga form, and the sun, as well as that of Vishnu, flourished peacefully side by side (cf. the Bilsad, Mankuwar, Karamadande, and Mandasor inscrip- tions). The two notable events of Kumara* s reign are : the celebration of the horse sacrifice (evidenced by the rare As'vamedha type of his gold coinage), and the temporary eclipse of the Gupta power by the Pushyamitras. The • Al«o called Srf Mahendra, Asvnmedha Mahendra, Ajita Maliendra. Simha Mahendra, Srt Mahendra Siruha. Mahendrnkuuiaro, Simha Vikratua (Allan, Ciupta Coins, p. 80), Vyaghrabalapar&kranin, and 8rl Pratd] a. KUMARA GUPTA MAHKNDRADITYA 289 reading Pushyamitra in the Bhitari inscription is, however, not accepted by some scholars because the second syllable of this name is damaged (cf. CII, p. 55 n). Mr. H. R. Divekar in his article " Pusyamitras in Gupta Period" (Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute) makes the plausible emendation Yudhy — amitrams = ca for Dr. Fleet's reading Pusyamitrams'==ca in C.T.I. , iii, p. 55. It is admitted on all hands that during the concluding years of Kumara'* reign the# Gupta Empire " had been made to totter." Whether the reference in tlie inscription is simply to Amitras or enemies, or to Pushyamitras, cannot be satisfactorily determined. We should, however, remember in this connection that a people called Pushyamitra is actually referred to in the Vishnu Purana. The fallen fortunes of the Gupta family were restored by prince Skanda Gupta (cf. the Bhitari Inscription). Kumara's chief queen was Anantadevi. He had at least two sons, viz., Pura Gupta, son of Anantadevi, and Skanda Gupta the name of whose mother is not given in the inscriptions. Hiuen Tsang calls Buddha Gupta (Fo-to-kio-to) or Budha Gupta1 a son of Sakraditya. The only predecessor of Budha Gupta who had this title was Kumara Gupta I who is called Mahendraditya on coins. Mahendra is the same as Sakra. The use of synonymous terms as names was not unknown in the Gupta period. Vikraraaditya was also called Vikramanka. Skanda is called both Vikramaditya and Kramaditya, both the words meaning "sun of power." If Sakraditya of Hiuen Tsang be identical with Mahendraditya or Kumara I, Budha Gupta was a son of Kumara. Another son of the latter was apparently Ghatotkacha Gupta (cf. the 1 The name Fo-to-kio-to has been restored as Buddha Oupta. But we have no independent evidenoe regarding tho existence of a kinfj uamod Buddha (Jupta. The synchronism of his successor's successor BSlsditya with Mihirakula indicates that the king meant was Budha (iupta. 290 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA Tumain Inscription referred to by Mr. Garde ; also the Basarh seal mentioning Sri Ghatotkacha Gupta). Skanda Gupta VikramZiditrju. In an interesting paper read before the members of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Dr. Majumdar suggested that after Kumara's death there was a fratricidal struggle in which Skanda Gupta came off victorious after defeat- ing his brothers including Pura Gupta the rightful claimant, and rescued his mother just as Krishna rescued Devaki (cf. the Bhitarl Inscription). Dr. Majumdar says that the omission of the name of the mother of Skanda Gupta in the Bihar Stone Pillar and Bhitarl Inscriptions indicates that she was not a Mahadevi, and Skanda was not the rightful heir. The rightful heir of Kumara was Pura Gupta, the son of the Mahadevi Anantade\ i. We should however remember that there was no rule prohibiting the mention of non-Mahadevis in inscriptions. The mother of Prabhavatl, Kuberanaga, was not Chandra Gupta Il's Mahadevi. Nevertheless she is mentioned in the inscriptions of her daughter. On the other hand the names of queens, the mothers of kings, were sometimes omitted.1 In the genealogical portion of the Bansklier.i and Madhuban plates the name of Yas'omati as lfar.»-//<>\s mother is not mentioned, but in the Sonpat seal she is mentioned both as the mother of Bajyavardhana and as the mother of Harsha. The Pala Inscriptions mention Lajja the queen of Vigraha Pala I and mother of NaiS yana Pala, but do not mention the queen of Na ray ana Pala who was the mother of Bajya Pala. They auain mention Bhagyadevi the queen of Rajya Pala and mother of G opal a II. In the Ban,agarh Inscription » The name of the father of a reigning king was also sometimes omitted (cf. Kielhorn's N. Ins. Nos. 464, 468). SKANDA GUPTA VIKRAMADITYA 291 of Mahl Pala I we have a reference to his great- grand-mother Bhagyadevi, but no mention of his own mother. The omission of the name of Skanda's mother from inscriptions is, at best, an arg amentum ex silent to which can only be accepted if it can be proved that the mention of the name of a Mahadevt was compulsory and that the mention of the name of an ordinary queen was prohibited. The case of Kuberanaga shows that there was no rule prohibiting the mention of an ordinary wife of a Gupta king. As to the question of rightful claim to the succession, we should remember that the cases of Samudra Gupta and Chandra Gupta II suggest that the ablest among the princes was chosen irrespective of any claim arising out of birth. There is nothing to show that the struggle at the end of Kumara's reign, referred to in the Bhitarl inscrip- tion, Mas a fratricidal struggle. The relevant text of the inscription runs thus : — Pitari divam upete viplutarh vams'a-lakshmirh bhuja-bala-vijit-arir-yyah pratishthapya bhuyah jitam-iti paritoshan- mataram sasra-nettrarh hata-ripur-iva Krishno Devaktm-abhyupetah. The enemies (ari) who made the Vamsa-lakshmi of Skanda Gupta " vipluta " after the death of his father were apparently enemies of the Gupta family, i.e., out- siders not belonging to the Gupta lineage. As a matter of fact the enemies expressly mentioned in the Bhitarl inscription were outsiders, e.g., the Pushyamitras and the Hunas. 'J here is not the slightest reference to a fratri- cidal war. There is no doubt a passage in the Junagadh- inscript ion of Skanda which says that " the goddess of fortune and splendour of her own accord selected (Skanda) 292 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA as her husband having discarded all the other sons of kings." But it does not necessarily imply that there was a struggle between the sons of Kumara in which Skanda came off victorious. It only means that among the princes he was considered to be best fitted to rule. In the Allahabad prasasti we have a similar passage "who (Samudra Gupta) being looked at with •"» t<> M>7. SKANDA GUPTA V1KHAMAD1TYA 296 The first achievement of Skanda was the restoration of the Gupta Empire. From an inscriptional passage we learn that while preparing to restore the fallen fortunes of his family he was reduced to such straits that he had to spend a night sleeping on the bare earth. Line twelve of the Bhitari inscription tells us that when Kumara Gupta I had attained the skies, Skanda conquered his enemies by the strength of his arms. From the context it seems that these enemies were the Pushyamitras " who had developed great power and wealth." The struggle with the Pushyamitras was followed by a terrible conflict with the Hunas in which the emperor was presumably victorious. The invasion of the Hunas took place not later than A.D. 458 if we identify them with the Mlechchhas of the Junagadh inscription. The memory of the victory over the Mlechchhas is preserved in the story of king Vikramaditya son of Mahendraditya of Ujjain in Somadeva's Kathasaritsagara (Allan, Gupta Coins, Introduction). Surashtra seems to have been the vulnerable part of the Gupta empire. The Junagadh in- scription tells us " he (Skanda) deliberated for days and nights before making up his mind who could be trusted with the important task of guarding the lands of the Surashtras." Allan deduces from this and from the words " Sarveshu des'eshuvidhaya goptrin " that the emperor was at particular pains to appoint a series of Wardens of the Marches to protect his dominions from future invasion. One of these Wardens was Parnadatta, governor of Surashtra. Inspite of all his efforts Skanda Gupta could not save the westernmost part of his empire from future troubles. During his lifetime he, no doubt, retained his hold over Surashtra. But his successors do not appear to have been so fortunate. Not a single inscription has yet been discovered which shows that Surashtra formed a part of the Gupta empire after the death of Skanda Gupta. 2.', Regarding Krishna Gupta we know very little. The Aphsad inscription describes him as a hero whose arm played the part of a lion, in bruising the foreheads of the array of the rutting elephants of (his) haughty enemy (driptarati) (and) in being victorious by (its) prowess over countless foes. The driptarati against whom he had to fight may have been Yas'odharman. The next king Harsha had to engage in terrible contests with those who were "averse to the abode of the goddess of fortune being with (him, her) own lord." There were wounds from many weapons on his chest. The names of the enemies who tried to deprive him of his rightful possessions are not given. Harsha's son, Jivita Gupta T probably succeeded in re-establishing the power of his family, "i be very terrible scorching fever (of fear) left not (his) haughty foes, even though they stood on seaside shores that were cool with the flowing and ebbing currents of water, (and) were covered with the branches of plantain-trees severed by the trunks of elephants roaming through the lofty groves of palmyra palms ; (or) even though they stood on (that) moun- tain (Himalaya) which is cold with the water of the rushing and waving torrents full of snow." The " haughty foes " on seaside shores were probably the Gaud as who had already launched into a career of conquest about this time and who are described as living on the sea shore (samudras'raya) in the Haraba inscription of A.D. 554 (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. UOet seq.). The next king, Kumara Gupta III, had to encounter a sea of troubles. The Gaudas were issuing from their " proper realm " which was western Bengal as it bordered on the sea and included Karnasuvarna (M. Chakravarti, J.A S.B., 1908, p. 274) and Kadhapur! (Prabodhachandro- daya, Act II). The lord of the Andhras who had thousands of three-fold rutting elephants, and the $ulikas who had an army of countless galloping horses, were 38 331 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA powers to be reckoned with. The Andlira king was probably Madhavavarman II of the Vishnukundin family who " crossed the river Godavari with the desire to conquer the eastern region (Dubreuil, A.H.D., p. 92). The Sulikas were probably the Chalukyas.1 In the Mahakufa pillar inscription the name-appears as Chaliky a. In the Gujarat records we find the forms Solaki and Solan ki. SuTika may be another dialectic variant. The Mali ikul a pillar inscription tells us that in the sixth century A.I). Kirtivarman I of the Chalikya dynasty gained victories over the kings of Vanga, Anga, Magadha, etc. A new power was rising in the upper Ganges valley which was destined to engage in a deatli grapple with the Guptas for the mastery of northern India. This was the Mukhara or Maukhari2 power. The Maukharis claimed descent from the hundred s >na whom king As'vapati got from Vaivasvata, /.'*., Yama. The family consisted of two distinct groups. The stone inscriptions of one group have been discovered in the Jaunpur and Bfirfi Bank! districts of the United Provinces, while the stone inscriptions of the other group hive been discovered in the Gaya district of Bihar. The Maukharis of Gaya namely Yajnavarman, &irdulavarman and Anantavarman were a feudatory family. Sard u la La ex- pressly called siimanta-chudamani in the Harfibar Hill Cave Inscription of his son (C.I. I., p. 223). The Maukharis of the United Provinces were also probably feudatories at first. The earliest princes of this family, /■/'; , llariv ninan, Adityavarman, and Isvaravarman were simply Maharajas. Adit.va\ arm in's wife was Marsha Gupta, probably a Bister of king Harsha Gupta. The wife of his son and successor 1 In the Brihat Sariihita XIV. 8 the Satilikaa are associateil with Vidarhha. * The family was called both Mukhara unci Mnukhnri. " Soma SfiryavamsaTi'va Pushpabhuti Mukhara Vainsau," " Sakalabhuvana namnskrito Maukhari Vatuaah " (Uarshacharita Parab's ed., pp. 141, 146. Cf. also C.I.I . p. H THE LINE OF KRISHNA GUPTA 305 Isvaravarman was also probably a Gupta princess named Upa-Gupta. In the Haraha inscription Xsanavarman, son of Is' vara var man and Upa Gupta, claims victories over the Andhras, the Sulikas and the Gaudas and is the first to assume the Imperial title of Maharajadhiraja. It was this which probably brought him into conflict with king Kumara Gupta III. Thus began a duel between the Maukharis aud the Guptas which ended only when the latter with the help of the Gaudas wiped out the Maukhari power in the time of Grahavarman, brother-in- law of Harshavardhana. We have seen that Isanavarman's mother and gr awl- mother were Gupta princesses. The mother of Prabhakara- vardhana, the other empire-builder of the second half of the sixth century, was also a Gupta princess. It seems that the Gupta marriages in this period were as efficacious in stimulating imperial ambition as the Lichchhavi mar- riages of more ancient times. Kumara Gupta III claims to have "churned that formidable milk-ocean, the cause of the attainment of fortune, which was the army of the glorious Isanavarman, a very moon among kings (Aphsad Ins.)." This was not an empty boast, for the Maukhari records do not claim any victory over the Guptas. Kumara Gupta Ill's funeral rites took place at Prayaga which probably formed a part of his dominions. The son and successor of this king was Damodara Gupca. He continued the struggle with the Maukharis1 and fell fighting against them. " Breaking up the 1 The Maukhari opponent of Damodara Gnpta was either Suryavarman or Sarva- varman (both being sons of Isanavarman). A Siiryavarman is described in the Sirpur stone inscription of MahflSiva Gupta as " born in the unblemished family of the Varmans great on account of their Adhipatyu (supremacy) over Magadhn." If this Siiryavarman be identical with Slryavarman the son of Isanavarman then it is certain that for a time the supremacy of Ma^adha passed from tho hands of the Guptas to that of the Mnukhnris. 306 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA proudly-stepping array of mighty elephants, belonging to the Maukhari, which had thrown aloft in battle the troops of [the Hunas (in order to trample them to death), he became unconscious (and expired in the fight)." Damodara Gupta was succeeded by his son Mahasena Gupta. He is probably the king of Malava mentioned in the Harshacharita whose sons Kumara Gupta and Madhava Gupta were appointed to wait upon Rajyavardhana and Harshavardhana by their father king Prablmkara- vardhana of the Pushpabhuti family of drikaiitha (Thanesar). The intimate relations between the family of Mahasena Gupta and that of Prabhakaravardhana is proved by the Madhuban grant and the Sonpat copper seal inscription of Harsha which represent Mahasena Gupta Devi as the mother of Prabhakara, and the Aphsad inscription of Adityasena which alludes to the association of Madhava Gupta, son of Mahasena Gupta with Harsha. The Pushpabhuti alliance of Mahasena Gupta was probably due to his fear of the rising power of the Maukharis. The policy was eminently successful, and during his reign we do not hear of any struggle with that family. But a new danger threatened from the east. A strong monarchy was at this time established in Kama- rupa by a line of princes who claimed descent from Bhagadatta. King Susthitavarman (see the Nidhanapur plates) of this family came into conflict with Mahasena Gupta and was defeated. " The mighty fame of Mahasena Gupta," says the Aphsad inscription, "marked with honour of victory in war over the illustrious Susthitavar- nian, is still constantly sung on the banks of the river Lohitya." Between Mahasena Gupta, the contemporary of Pra- bhakaravardhana, and his youngest BOO Madhava Gupta, the contemporary of Harsha, we have to place a king THE LINE OF KRISHNA GUPTA .",07 named Deva Gupta II ' who is mentioned by name in the Madlmban and Banskhera inscriptions of Harsha as the most prominent among the kings " who resembled wicked horses " who were all subdued by Rajyavardhana. As the Gupta princes are uniformly connected with Malava in the Harshacharita there can be no doubt that the wicked Deva Gupta is identical with the wicked Lord of Malava who cut off Grahavarman Maukhari, and who was himself defeated M with ridiculous ease " by Rajyavardhana. It is difficult to determine the position of Deva Gupta in the dynastic list of the Guptas. He may have been the eldest son of Mahasena Gupta, and an elder brother of Kumara Gupta and Madhava Gupta. His name is omitted in the Aphsad list, just as the name of Skanda Gupta is omitted in the Bhitari list. Shortly before his death king Prabhakaravardhana had given his daughter Rajyasri in marriage to Grahavarman the eldest son of the Maukhari king Avantivarman. The alliance of the Pushpabhutis with the sworn enemies of his family must have alienated Deva Gupta who formed a counter-alliance with the Gaudas whose hostility towards the Maukharis dated from the reign of Isanavarman. The Gupta king and the Gauda king Sasaiika made a joint attack on the Maukhari kingdom. " Grahavarman was by the wicked lord of Malava cut off from the living along with his noble deeds. Rajyas'ri also, the princess, was con- fined like a brigand's wife with a pair of iron fetters kissing her feet and cast into prison at Kanyakubja." " The villain, deeming the army leaderless purposes to invade and seize this country as well " (Harshacharita). Rajyavardhana, though he routed the Malava army "with ridiculous ease," was " allured to confidence by false civi- lities on the part of the king of Gauda, and then 1 The Emperor Chandra Gnpta II was Deva Gupta I. 308 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA weaponless, confiding and alone despatched in his own quarters." To meet the formidable league between the Gupi u and the Gaudas, Harsha, the successor of Rajyavardhana, concluded an alliance with Bhaskaravarman, king of Kamarupa, whose father Susthitavarman had fought against the predecessor of Deva Gupta. This alliance was disastrous for the Gaudas :vs we know from the Nidhanapur plate of Bhaskara. At the time of the issuing of the plate Bhaskara varman was in possession of Karnasuvarna, the capital of the Gauda king dasiinka. The Gauda people, however, did not tamely acquiesce in the loss of their independence. They became a thorn in the side of Kanauj and Kamarupa, and their hostility towards those two powers was inherited by the Pala and Sena successor basaiika. During the long reign of Harsha, Madhava Gupta, tin- successor of Deva Gupta, remained a subordinate ally of Kanauj. After Harsha's death the Gupta empire was revived by Adityasena, a prince of remarkable vigour and ability who found his opportunity iu the commotion which followed the usurpation of Harsha's throne by Arjuna. For this king we have a number of inscriptions which prove that he ruled over a wide territory extending to the shores of the oceans. The Aphsad, Shahpur, and Mandar inscriptions recognise his undisputed possession of south and east Bihar. Another inscription, noticed by Fleet (C.I. I., p. 213 n.) describes him as the ruler of the whole earth up to the shores of the oceans, and the performer of the As'vamedha and the other great sacrifices. The Ue5- Baranark inscription refers to the Javaskandhavara of his great-grandson Jlvita Gupta II at Gomatikottaka. This clearly suggests that the Later Guptas dominated the Gomatl valley in the Madhyadesa. The Mandara inscrip- tion applies to Adityasena the titles of Paramabhattaraka THE LINE OF KRISHNA GUPTA 3ft) and Mahamjfulhiraja. We learn from the Shahpur stone image inscription that he was ruling in the year A.D. 672-73. It is not improbable that he or his son Deva Gupta III is the Sakalottarapathanatha who was defeated by the Chalukya kings Vinayaditya (A.D. 080-696) and Vijayaditya (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, pp. 189, 368, 371 ; Kendur plates). We learn from the Deo-Baranark inscription that Adityasena was succeeded by his son Deva Gupta (III) who in his turn was succeeded by his son Vishnu Gupta who is probably identical with Vishnu Gupta Chandriiditya of the coins (Allan, Gupta Coins, p. 145). The last king was Jivita Gupta II, son of Vishnu. All these kings con- tinued to assume imperial titles. That these were not empty forms appears from the records of the Western Chalukyas of Vatapi which testify to the existence of a Pan-North Indian empire in the last quarter of the seventh century A.D. The only North Indian sovereigns (Uttarft- pathanath a,) who laid claim to the imperial dignity during this period, and actually dominated Magadha and the Madhyadesa as is proved by Aphsad and Deo- Bararurk inscriptions, were Adityasena and his successors. The Gupta empire was probably finally destroyed by the Gaudas who could never forgive Madhava Gupta's desertion of their cause. In the time of Yasovarman of Kanauj, i.e.t in the first half of the eighth century A.D., a Gauda king occupied the throne of Magadha (cf. the Gaudavaho by Vakpatiraja). Petty Gupta dynasties, apparency connected with the imperial line, ruled in the Kanarese districts during the twelfth and the thirteenth centuries A.D., and are fre- quently mentioned in inscriptions. Evidence of an earlier connection of the Guptas with the Kanarese country is furnished by the Talagund inscription which says that Kakusthavarman of the Kadamba dynasty gave his :U0 POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA (laughters in marriage to the Guptas and other kings. In the sixth century A.D. the Vakataka king Harishena, a descendant of Chandra Gupta II Vikramaditya through his daughter Prahhavatl Gupta, is said to have effected conquests in Kuntala, i.eM the Kanarese country.1 Curiously enough the Gutta or Gupta chiefs of the Kanarese country claimed descent from Chandra Gupta Vikramaditya,2 lord of Ujjayini.3 1 Jouveau-Dnbreuil, A.H.D., p. 76. * Bomb. Gaz.. Vol. I, Part IF, pp. 578-80. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar " A P«ep into the Early History of India," p. 00. I owe this reference to prof. Bhandarkar. 3 The account of the Later Guptas was first published in the J.A.S.U., 1 I APPENDIX. Page ii, 1. 7. — P\)r some spurious plates of Janamejaya, see Ep. Ind., VII, App., pp. 162-163. Page iii, 1. 18. — The present Kamayana (VI. 69,35) apparently refers to the Puranic episode of the uplifting of Mount Govardhana (parigrihya giriifa dorbhySm vapur Vishnor vi(.'ambayan). For otfcer Puranic allu- sions see Calcutta Review, March, 1922, pp. 500-502. Page iv, 1. 4. — The present Mahabharata (I. 67, 13-14) refers to King Asoka who is represented as an incarnation of a Mahasura, and is described as " mahSviryo'- parSjitah." We have also a reference (Mbh. I, 139, 21-23) to a Greek overlord (Yavanadbi- pah) of Sauvira and his compatriot Dattamitra (Demetrios?). The Santi Parva mentions Yaska, the author of the Nirukta (342,73), Varshaganya (318, 59) the Sariikhya philosopher who flourished in the fifth century after Christ, (J. R. A. S., 1905, pp. 47-51), and Kamandaka (123, 11), the authority on Dharma and Artha, who is probably to be identified with the famous disciple of Kautilya. Page 2, 1. 33. — There is no Janamejaya after Pariksbit I., also in the Kuru-Pandu genealogy given in the Chellur or Cocanada grant of Vira Cho.'a (Hultzsh, S. I. I., Vol. I, p. 57). Page 3. — The Bhagavata Purana (IX, 2!,25-26) distinctly mentions Tura Kavasheya as the priest of Janamejaya, the grandson of Abhimanyu, and the son of Parikshit II. Pa<*e 12, 1. 5, — The battle of Kurukshetra is very often described as a fight between the Kurus and the Srifijayas (Mbh. vi. 45,2 ; 60, 29 ; 72, 15 ; 73, 41 ; vii. 10, 41 ; 149, 40; viii. 47, 23; 57, 12 ; 59, 1 ; 93, 1). The unfriendly feeling between these two peoples is distinctly alluded to in the Satapatha Brah- mana (Vedic Index, II, p. 63). 312 APPENDIX Page 12, 1. 22. — The polyandrous marriage of the Pftncjavas does not necessarily indicate that they are of non-Kuru origin. The system of Niyoga prevalent among the Kurus of the Madhyade&a was not far removed from fraternal polyandry (Mbh. 1.103,9-10; 105, .'37-38), while the Law (Dhaima) of marriage hououred by the Northern Kurus was admittedly lax (Mbh. I. 122,/). See also my "Political History" pp. 95-96, Journal of the Department of Letters (Calcutta University), Vol. IX. Page 73m. — Several scholars reject the identification of Vasudeva Krishna of the Mahabhiirata with the historical Krishna of the Chhandogya Upanishad (iii. 17). But we should remember that — (a) Both the Krishnas have the metronymic Devaki- putra. {jj) the teacher of the Upanishadic Krishna belonged to a family (Angirasa) closely connected with the Bliojas (Rig-Veda III, 5*3,7), the kindreds of the Epic Krishna (Mbh. ii, 14,32-34). (c) the Upanishadic Krishna and his Guru Ghora Angirasa were worshippers of Surya. We are told in the Sautiparva (335,19) that the Siitvata vidhi taught by the Epic Krishna was Frak Surya-mnlha-nihsrita. (d) an Angirasa was the Guru of the Upanishadic Krishna. Angirasi Sruti is quoted as " $ruti- nam uttama &rutih" by the Epic Krishna (Mbh. viii. 69, 85). (e) the Upanishadic Krishna is taught the worship of the sun, the noblest of all lights (Jyotirutta- mamiti), high above all darkness (tamasas pari), and also the virtues of Tapodanam arjjavam- ahirhsa satya-vachanam. The Epic Krishna teaches the same thing in the Gita (xiii, 18 — jyotishamapi tajjvotis tamasah param uchyate ; xvi, 1-2 — Danam damascha yajnascha svadhva- yam tapa Srjjavam ahimsa satyam). APPENDIX 313 Page 86, 1. 15. — The number of four queens was exceeded even in the BrShmanic period. The Aitareya BrShmana (VII, 13), for instance, refers to the hundred wives of King Harischandra. Page 89, 1. 3 Iff. — The Abhisheka was preceded by an oath taken by the King to the priest. Keith takes " utkro- sana " to mean proclamation. Trivedi takes it in the sense of gunaklrtana. Page 99, 1. 18. — The realm of Alavaka is probably identical with the Chan-chu country visited by Hinen Tsang. Dr. Smith seems to identify the country with the Ghazipur region (Watters, Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, pp. 61, 340). Page 101, 1. 18. — For the employment of princes as senapati see Kautilva (Mysore edition, 1919), p. 34. Page 112, 1. 7. — Susunaga, according to the Mahavaihsatika" (Tur- nouts Mahavamsa, xxxvii), was the son of a Lichchhavi raja of Vaisali. He was conceived by a nagara-sobhini and brought up by an officer of state. 1. 20. — Avantivardhana was a son of Palaka according to the Kathasaritsagara (Tawney's translation, II, p. 485). Page 115, 1. 24. — Yogananda (Pseudo-Nanda) is the name given to the reanimated corpse of King Nanda (Katha- saritsagara, Durgaprasad and Parab's edition p. 10).' Page 120, I, 2i; 121. 1. 5. — " The youngest brother was called Dhana Nanda, from his heing addicted to hoarding treasure . . . He collected riches to the amount of eighty kotis — in a rock in the bed of the river (Ganges) having caused a great ex- cavation to be made, he buried the treasure there . . . . Levying taxes among other articles, even on skins, gums, trees and stones he amassed further treasures which he disposed of similarly/' (Tumour, Maliiivamsa p. xxxix.). Page 139, 1. 25. — Regarding the conduct of Samgrama Simha see Tod's RSjasthan, Vol. I, p. 240«(2). 314 APPENDIX Page 147, I. 83. — Another minister (or Pradeshtri?) was apparently M ani\ atappo, a Jatilian, who "conferred the blessings of peace on the country by extirpating marauders" (Tumour's Mabavamsa, p. xlii). Page 170, 1. 8, 4. — Cf. Ajatasatru's treatment of BimbisSra, and Udayana's treatment of Pindola. Page 213w,— See JASB, 1922, pp. 260-271. Page 251, 1. 6-7. — Rsjatarangini I, 178; Harshacharita (Cowell) p. 252; Watters, Yuan-Chwang, ii, p. 200. Page Sol, last line. — The Kadphises Kings meant here are Krjula (Kadphises I), and Vima (Wema) and not Kuyula- kara Kaphsa whose identification with Kadphises I is a mere surmise. Even if Ku\ ulakara be identical with Kujula and the Kushin King of the Taxila inscription of 186, it may be pointed out that it is by no means certain that the date 136 refers to the Vikrama era. Page 256, 1. 4. — Some idea of the great power of Bhava Naga's dynasty and the territory over which they ruled may be gathered from the fact that they per- formed ten AsVamedha sacrifices and " were besprinkled on the forehead with the pure water of (the river) Bhasirathi that had been obtained by their valour," (C. I. I. p. 241 ; A. H. D. p. 72). The performance of ten Asvamedha sacrifices indicates that they were not a feudatory family owing allegiance to the Kushans. Page 284 1. 5. — Meghaduta (I, 31) and KathSsaritsagara (Tawney's translation, Vol II. "p. 275). BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX. Abhidhana Chintamani ... ... .. ... 230 Abhidhanappadipika ... . - ... ... 99 Aelian ... ... ... ... ... 144 A Guide to Saiichi, Marshall ... ... 212, 222 A Guide to Taxila, Marshall ... ... £4/22* Aiyan6, 28, 40, 59, 73, 74, 98, 120, 1>5, 130. 131,153, 168, 197 Asoka, Third Edition, Smith, 110, 114, 142 156, 164, 165, 173-177 179,182, 186,190, 195 316 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX A§okavadana ... ... ... iv, 113 Athenaios ... ... ... ... 143, 157 Atthakatha ... ... ... ... ... 108 B Bana ... ... 113,118,186,214,266,270,283,301 Banerji.R.D. ... 1 13, 1 i5, 217, 251, <52, 258, 261, 264n Barnett ... ... ... ... 110, 114 Basak, R.G. ... ... ... ... ... 298 Beal ... ... ... 109, 247u, 297n, 300 Beginnings of South Indian History ... ... 120, 140 Beloch ... ... ... ... ... 17 1 Bhandarkar Commemoration Volume . ... ... 101 Bhandarkar, Prof. D. R., ii, 28, 30, 44, 58, 75, 93, 101, 102, 109, 111, 112, 116, 163, 161. 165, 179n, 180, 186, 189n, 190, 205, 213, 221, 236, 258, 259, 261, 262 265, 31 On Bhandarkar, Sir R. G., 131, 173, 201, 202 215, 218, 228, 251 262 264, 283,310 Bhattasali, N. K. ... .. ... ... 298 Bloc'll ... ... ... ... ... 286 Bombay Gazetteer 152 185, 205, 258n 267n, 268, 280, 309, 310n Book of Kindred Mayings, Mrs. Rhys Davids ... 60, 63n, 81, 105 Brahmana — Aitareya, ii, 2, 3, 4, 10, 11, 14, 27, 89,41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 50, 55, 60, 70, 72, 73, 75, 76, 82, 83, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 131, 165, 1»2 Aitareya (Trivedi's Translation) ... ... 14 - Gopatha ... ... ... 11,28,29,50 Jaiminiya Upanishad ... ... 7, 14, 17,41, 50 Kaushitaki ... ... ... 26,32 Pafichavimsa or Tancjya ... ... 10,14,39.50 camhitopanishad .. ... ... 31 gatapatha, Keeling, ii, *, 3, 5, 7, 10, 11, 18, 14, 17, 20, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 81, 32, 31, 86, 42, 47, 50, 51, 60, 67, 7i, 76, 77, 83, 8t-88, 91, 9', 98 Taittiriya ... ... ... .. ii VHrhsa ... ... ... 14,17,77,197 Brihat Samhita ... 125, 258n, 262, 267, 279, 280, .'Kiln _ Kern ... ... ... 186u, 187, 208 Buddha, Oldenberg ... ... 6, 19, 20, 23, 52 Buddhaghosha ... ... ... 10*, 106 Buddhist India, Rhys Davids ... 21, 53, 68, 77, 80, 102 Buddhist Suttas ... ... ... iv, 9, 1*, 9» Buhler ... ... ... 163,166,167,168,288 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX 317 Carmichael Lectures, 1918 ... 28, 88, 86, 58, 68,71, 74, 131, 162 Catalogue of Coins— Allan (Guptas) ... 271, 275, 281, 285, 288 293, 297, 309 —Gardner ... ... 226 — Rapson (Andhras f»nd W, Kshatrapas) 219 — Whitehead (Indo-Greeks and Indo-Scythians) 206n, 228, 235, 2 55n Cevlonese Chronicles ... 109-112, 116, 119, 157, 158, 175 Chanda, Professor R. P. ... 110, 113, 1 15, 145, 200, 217, 223 Chaucer ... ... ... ... ... 204 Chavannes ... ... ... ... ... 230 Coins of Ancient India, Cunningham ... 211, 212 Corporate Life in Ancient India, Dr. R. C. Majumdar .. 73 Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. Ill, Fleet ... 301, 304, b08 Cowell ... ... ... ... 92,138,156 Cunningham ... 26, 68, 59, 64, 99, 1 10, 1 14, 133, 206n, 21 1, 228, 231, 233,241 Curtius ... ... 117,118,120,125,129,131,133.134 Dacca Review Dey,N. L., Dhammapada Dhoyi Dialogues of the Buddha Diodorus Divekar 298 ... 54, 58, 66, 173n 102 276 34, 4-1, 55, 63, 64, 75, 81, 132 . 120, 125, 127, 131, 133-135 28'.) Divyavadana (Cowell and 28, 69, 99,188, 156, 164, 184-188, Neil). 194-199 Dubreuil, Professor ... 199, 250>:5:>, 258-260,266,274-278, :i04, 310. Dvatrimsatpuitalika ... ... ... 220 Dynasties of the Kali Age, 6, 8, 58, 208, 211, 214 215, 274 Pargifcer. E Early History of the Dekkan, Sir R. G. Bhandarkar. 198ff, 215 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX 318 Early History of India, Dr. Vincent Smith. Early History of the Vaish- nava Sect, Kaychaudhuri Epigraphia In- lira 64 73 130, 152, >20, ->30, 232, 238, 239, 241, 2 i:>, 2*8, 251.57, 275-277, 302-303. Fa Hien, Legge Fan -ye Fiok, trans. S. Maitra Fleet Foreign Elements in the Hindu Population. Foucher Fundamental Unity of India Dr. Badhakumud Mookerjee. 99, 163, 284, 285, 300. 229,246 167 116, 231, 238, 240, 242, 244, 249, 275, 277, 279, 296n (Ind. Aut., 1890, p. 227). 297, 299, 308. 205 225n 86,87 ( i a !; a ] •; 1 1 1 1 a . . . Gangoly O. C. Garde Gardner Gargi Sam hits Gaurjavaho . . . Gazetteer — Amraoti — Bombay 130, 138 114 288 206,225,226 186,187,196,207,208 309 41 152, 205, 258n 267n, 268, 280, 3C9, 310. — Godavari District ... ... 276 — Yizagapatam „ ... ... 276n Geiger ... ... 108,112,118,116,117,136,162,188 Goldstucker ... ... ... ... 205 Great Epic of India, Hopkins ... ... iii, 12 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX 319 H Hamilton and Falconer ... ... ... 204 Harisvamin ... ... ... 31, 67 HSrit Krishna Dev ... ... ... 35 Harivamsa ... ... 41,43,54,55,67,68 Harshacharita, Parab ... ... 113, 270, 274, 304 Harshacharita, Cowell and 118, 186, 197, 214, 266, 274, 301, 307 Thomas. Hema Chandra ... ... 104, 154, 155, 230 Herodotus ... ... ... ... 123, 124 Hillebrandt ... ... ... ... 87 Historical position of ... ... 801 Kalki, Jayaswal. History of Greece for ... ... 61, 1 S » Beginners, Bury. Hiuen Tsang ... 26, 99, 109, 120, 158, 162, 164, 187, 249, 254, 262, 289, 295, 297, 299, 300, 302. Hoernle ... ... ... ... 99, 100, 101, 296 Holdich ... ... ... ... 126 Hultzsch ... ... ... ... 28, 172, 174, 299 Indian Antiquary ... 12,27,42,44,54,61, 66, llOn, 141, 155 160, 164, 165, 173, 180, 190, 202,205, 207 211,227, 231, 233, 239, 240, 253, 257, 270, 277, 279, 282, 288. Indian Literature, Weber ►• ... ...16,27,30,31,56 Indica, Megasthenes . . ... ... 74, 160 Invasion of India by •« 117,121 181-136, 157, 164 Alexander, McCrindle. Isidore of Charax ... ... ... 205,228,233 I-Tsing ... ... ... ... 54,271 Iyengar, Srinivasa ... ... ... 44 Jacobi ... ... ... 65, 109, 112, 155 Jaina canon ... ... ... ... ▼ Jataka, Camb. Ed. ; al*o Fausboll — — ArSmaduea (268) ... ... ... 48 — Asadisa (181) ... ... ... 48 320 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX Jataka, AsStarupa (100) ... — Assaka ... — Atthana (425) — Bhaddasftla — Bhall&ti.va(50l) ... — Bhojajaniya — Bhuridatta — Brahachatta — Brahmadatta — Champeyya — Chetiya — Chullakaliriga — Chulla Sutasoma ... — Darimukha — Dasa Brahmana — Dasaratha (461) ... — Dhajavihetha (391) — Dhonasakha — Dhumakari — Dummedha (30) ... — Ekapanna — Ekaraja — Gagga — Gandatindu — GandhSra (406) ... — Ghata(355) — Ghata (454) — Guttila — Camb, Kd. ; also Fausboll— — Haritamata — Jayadissa — Kalinga Bodhi — Khaiulalmla (542) ... — Kosambi — Kuuibhakara — Kummasapinda (415) — Kunala — Kurudhamma — Kusa — Lomasa Kassapa (438) — Maliaassaroha — MahSjanaka (539) ... — \1 aha Kanha — Maha Narudakassapa . — Mahasilava • •• — Mahasutasoma i *— Mahft Ummagga ... — Matauga 80 47, 75 35 ... 47,65,81,105 48 48 47,78 47,80 69 53, 55 66 63, 74, 75 91 85 12,68 36,86 88 47,68,98 68 35,92 59, 63 80 101 69 19,76 80 ... 52, 73 (line 28) 46 81, 105 69 27 93 47, 80 38, 38, 89-41, 69, 70, 76 35, 105 47,80,98 68 27,49,64,86 35 91 19, 41, 88, 54- (line 19) 28 28 80 68,69 70 102 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX 321 Jataka, Matiposaka ••• ■>•) — Milsika (.-573) 103 — Nandiya Miga 52 — Nimi 21,28,33, 38,39, 70 — Padakusalamanava (432) 84,93 — Padanjali 85, 92 — Sachchamkira (73) 84, 85, 93 — Sambhava 47,68 — Sambula 3 * — Samkichcha (530) 73 (line 28) — Sam vara ... 85 — Sarabhamiga 47 — Sarabhariga 43 — Sattuvasta 34 — Serivanij (3) 44 — Setaketu 25 — Seyya 80 — Somanassa 33,69 — Sonaka 85,92 — Sona Nanda 47.74,80 — Suruchi 19,86 — Susima (Ml) ... ... 35,76,163 — Tachchhasukara (492) 105 — Tandulaoali (5) 33 — Telapatta (96) 76,93,96 — Tesakuna • ... • 80 — Thusa (338) 103 — Udaya (458) 48 — Uddulaka 25,35 — Ummadanti 130 — Camb. Ed. ; also Fausboll — — Vadd hakisukara 81, 105 « — Vidhurapandita ~. 47,53 — Vedabbba ... - 67 — Vessantara (547) ... ... ... 93, 130, 223 Jayaswal ... 108, 110, 112, 113-116, 121,158, 166, 177, 200, 201 , 211, 212, 217, 224, 301. Journal — — Of the Asiatic Society 54, 55, 58, 66, 68, 71,289. 296, 303. of Bengal. 310. — of the BihSr and 113 Orissa Kesearch So- ciety. — of the Department 229, 231, 239 of Letters (Calcutta University.) HI BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX Jataka, of the Royal Asiatic Society. Justin 43, 57, 2G4n, 266. 121, 134, 137, 139-141, 20!, 205-207, 226-229, 243, 2ti0n. Kalakacharya Kathanaka 231 Kalhana . . . 162, 163, 19+, 24!< Kalidasa 102, 201,202,210,229, 276 Kamandaka • . . 120 Kamasutra, Vatsyayana . . . 176,219 Kathasaritsagara, Durga- 28, 102, 109, 115, 119, 120, 283», prasSd ami Parab. •293. — Tawney ... ...53, 109, 119, 120 K at y ay an a 114 Katyayana (grammarian) , 172 Keith • • • ... it, 2, 36,38, 197 Kennedy 244, 249 Kern , , , 168, 186n, 187, 208 Kielhorn , , l.">2, 296 Kingsmill . . . 246 Kittel's Dictionary 30 Knightes Tale .. 204 Kshemendra ... , . 115 Law, Dr. N. ... Levi, Sylv\in Life — of Alexander — of Buddha (Uockhill) — of Hiuen Tsang Liiders 173/i. 189, 230, 245 139 60 56, 297 198, 223,255, 271 Macdonell Mahabharata ... t'i, 2,36. 38, 1»7 iti, 2, 3,8, 10, 11, 12, 14, 16, 17, 19, •22, 23, 27-29, 31-33,35,39, 40-44, 53-57,64-69, 71-73, 75, 77-79, 83, BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX 323 Mahabhashya, Patanjali Mahabodhivamsa Mahamayuri ... Mahavariisa ... Majumdar, Dr. R. C. Majumdar, S. N. Malala Malalarikaravatthu Malavikagnimitram Mamulanar ... Manusarhhita Marshall, Sir John M. Chakravarti McCrindle Meghaduta ... Memoirs of the Archaeologi- eal Survey of India. Milinda Panho Modern Europe, Lodge Modern Review Mudrarakshasa Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, Rice. ...98, 122, 127, 128, 130-133, 160, 170, 172, 176, 185, 191, 197, 202, 204, 213, 223, 231, 267, 279, 280. — A Criticism, C. V. Vaidya 1 3 — Java Text ... 2 ir, 12, 73, 196, 201, 202, 204, 205, 209, 231. 113, 115, 117, 118, 119 114 iv, 8, 58, 82, 97, 99, 113, 116, 136, 138, 162, 188. — Geiger ... 8, 58, 82 110, 114, 163, 239, 240, 250, 251, 259, 290. 19U 225 58,112 197, 198, -202, 210, 229 140, 141 29, 62,61,84-, 132, 166, 168, 231 24, 212, 213, 222, 229, 236, 238, 240, 241, 243, 247, K49-251. 303 117, 132, 133, 143, 145», 157, 164 44, 102 115 121, 140, 204, 205, 223, 209, 226, 267 93 ...108, 114«. 227, 230, 277,278 120, 140, 188 119,141,154,189 Nikaya — Ariguttara Digha Majjhima Samyutta. .. Nilakantha (Mahabharata commentator). N 45, 46, 63, 77, 80, 110, 111, 125, 164 74,104 9, 21, 38, 49, 51, 60, 63, 73, 81, 101. 103, 107, 108, 126. 60,81,100,103,105 29 324 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX Nirukta, Yaska .. ... ... 56, 85 Nitisara, KSmandaka ... ... ... 120 Notes on the Ancient ... ... 24 Geography of G and hat a, Foucher. Oldenberg ... ... /7, 2, 6, 19, 20, 23, 31, 57, 251 Oldham ... ... ... ... 279 Onesikritos ... ... ... 129 Orosius ... ... ... ... 131. Oxford History of India, 115,145, 154,158,183,199,248,294 Dr. V. A. Smith. Panku ... ... ... ... 244, 246 Pan-yong ... ... ... ... 246 Paramatthajotika ... ... ... 40, 63 Paranar ... ... ... ... 140 Pargiter ... ... tV, 8, 10, 13, 19,20, 29,32,57,66, 186, 208, 274, 279. Paiisishta Parvan ... 105, 108, 109, 117, 138, 139, 154, 155 Pataliputrakalpa ... ... ... 185 Pavanadutam... ... ... ... 276 Periplus of the Erythrman ... ...24,136,163,221 Sea, Schoff. Pischel ... ... ... ... 6 Pliny ... ... ... 122,157,160,164,165 Plutarch ... ... ... 120, 134, 135, 139-14', 204 Polybius ... ... ... ... 193,194,202 Pompeius Trogus ... ... ... 202. Prabodhachandrodaya ... ... ... 303 Priyadarsika, Sri Harsha ... ... ... 55,102 Ptolemy, historian ... ... ... 128 Ptolemy, geographer ... ...172,205,226,2:7,239,264 Purftna — — Bhagavata ... 8, 56, 110, 185, 203w, 205m, 21 \ 267/* — BrahnWa ... ... ... 110,118 — Kurma .. ... ... 160 — Markarujeya, ... ... 32,66,125,165,232,279 Pargiter. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX 325 Purana — — Matsva ... 3, 10, 26, 32, 35, 41-44, 48, 54, 55, 71, 72, 75, 76, 110, 118, 119, 165, 184, 185, 212, 218, 219, 265. — VSyu ... ... 8, 20, 24, 26, 32, 34, 38, 41-44, 48-51, 54, 55, 58, 60, 71-76, 109, 110, 113, 118, 119, 165, 184, 185, 186, 212, 218, 219. — Vishnu ... 4, 8, 17, 20, 22, 34, 38, 42, 48, 60, 72, 73, 184, 185, 186, 212, 289. R Raghuvarhsa... ... ... ... 43; 160, 276 Rajatarangini ... ... 162, 184, 193, 254 Ramayana ... ... Hi, 11, 19, 20-26, 36,40,43,48,4'.*, 52-60, 67, 70, 71. Rapson ... ... 123, 206m, 208, 219, 225, 233, 237, 251, 257, 258, 266, 268, 269. Ratnavali ... ... ... ... 102 Rawlinson ••• ... ... ... 206m Raychaudhuri ... ... ... 173 Records of he Western ... ... 247 n World, Real, t Religions of India, Hopkins ... ... 12 Rhys Davids ... ... ii, 9, 18, 21, 31, 49, 59, 77, 102, 106, 107, 143, 223, 226. Rice ... ... •• ... 119, 141, 164, 189 Kivett-Carnae... ... ... ... 211 Rock-hill ... ... ... •' ... 60 Roth ... •• ... ... ... 2 S Sacred Books of the East ... 9, 22, 26 "58, 62 267m. Saint-Martin, V. de Sanskrit Literature, Mac- donell. Sastri, Pandit H. iT ... " Sayan a Schwanbeck ... 36,38, 43, 47, 48, 53, 56- 65, 69, 71, 76, 80, 81, 88, 91 132 m, 20 189,190,192,274 83 143 3-26 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX Senart Shamasastry ... Si-yu-ki, Beal Smith, Dr. V. A. Somadeva South Indian Inscriptions, Hultzsch. Spooner, D-. ... Sse-ki Ssu-ma-chien.... Stein Sten Konow ... Sthaviravali .. Strabo Svapna Vasavadatta, Bhasa (Ed. Ganapati Sastri). Sukhthankar ... Sukraniti, B K. Sarkar ... Sumangalavilasini Sutra — — Dharma Apastamba Bodhayana — Grihya Asvalayana Sankbayana — Jaina Bhagavati Kalpa Ni ray avali Uttaraihjayana ... — §rauta Apastamba ... Asvalftyaua Baudlulvana ... Katyayana Sankhayana ... Sutta, Buddhist— — Ambafctha ••• — Lohichcha *•• — Mahagovinda — Mahali... ••• 166, 168, 179«, 189 146, 16*. 283, 262», 266 26,109,297,300,301 i, 43, 44,61, 64, 110,114,116,129, 131, 140, 142. 145, 150, 154, 157- 159, 164-168, 173-186, 193, 195, 199, 204-206, 209, 216, 236, 237n, 248, 250, 252, 254, 255w, 265, 272, 882, 283, 294, 296. 293 172,299 145 246 245,246 127 227, 230, 239, 240, 244-248, 250, 252, 253, >55, 280. 104 122, 126-128, 132, 133, 142-146, 149, 151, 153, 155, 157, 167, 202-204, 226, 2>7. 15,67,68,70,102,108 220, 264 83 106 189 40 12 9, 18 46, 104, 105 107 104, 105, 107, 108 ... 22, 38, 89,41,69, 70,76,77 ... .. . ... ... 90 22, 197 50,51 83 ...' 18, 14, 84, 45, 51 132 ... • 81 34, 41, 42, 55, 74, 75, 90 63 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX 327 — MaliSpaiinibbana .. — Maha Sudassana — Makliadeva Sutta Nipata ... ... 53, 54, V,i, 64, 106, 138, 188 64 38 39 48,48,65,74^81 Taranath Thomas, Dr. V. W. Trenekner 119,155,192,197 127, 131, 158, 168, 176, 228, 232, 241 249, 251. 204, 209 Upanishad — Brihadaranvaka -Chbandogya Dr. Rajendralal Mitra's translation -Kaushitaki -Mundaka Prasna Taittiriya Uvasagadasao, Hoernle ii, 13, 15-17, 21-23, 27,33,40, 41, 90, 92, 191, 197. ii, 12, 14, 17, 21, 24, 27, 33, 84 92, 188. iii, 25. 27, 29, 36, 90. 188. 9, 36, 41, 51. 50. 59, 65, 99-101, 106, 107. V. Vakpatiraja . 309 Varahamihira . 258» Vatsyayana . 101,126,219. Veda samliita — Atharva . ii, 1, 7, 13, 24, 34, 49, 54, 56, 92. Bloomfield's translation .. . 2 Paippalada recension . 34 Kathaka . 7, 84. Maitrayani ... . 84. Rik . 6, 7, 24, 26, 28, 29, 31, 32, 36, 39, 40, 49-51, 56, 57, 66, 72, 76, 130. 328 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX Vedic Index, Macdonell and Keith 2,5, 6, 10, 14,17, 19-21, 28, 31-34, 38,41,56, 76, 84, 85, 88, 104, 128, 130. Venkatesvaraiyar ... ... 173. Vidyabhushana, Dr. S. C. ... 61. Vimanavattliu ... ... 180. Yinaya Texts ... ... iv, 28, 47, 220. Mahavagga ... 47,53, 56,63, 64 80, 8», 91, 101-106. Von Sallet ... ...' 207. W. Watson Watters Weber Wei-lio Whitehead Wilson 137, 141, 206. 99, 162, 230, 267m, 297, 29'. 16,27,30,31,56, 85, 131.. 249. 206«, 225, 228, 235-237, Ul, 255«. 64. Yuan Chwang, Watters Yuga Parana Yu-Houan ... 53, 59, 77, 78, 230, 2C7w, 298. ... 187. ... 249. Z. Zimmer ... 2,27. GENERAL TNDEX A Abdagas s, 243 Abhaya Liehchhavi, 63 Abhaya, Prince of Magadha, 105 Abhimanyu, 2, 3, 311 Abhipratarin, 4, 14, 15 Abhira, Abiria, 44, 239, 205, 269, 279, 280 Abhisara, Abhisares, 127, 128, 134, 135 Abhisheka, 88, 89, 313 Achaemenian, 77, 122, 123, 121 Aebchba, 46 Aehyuta, 273,274 Adhisimakrishna, 13, 15, 30 Adhyaksha^, 149, 150, 168 Adichchas (Adityas), 48 Adityasena, 295, 308 ff. Adityavarman, 301 Adraistai, 128 Agalassoi, 131 Agathokleia, 208, 225 Agathokles, 225 Agikharhdha, 180 Agnimitra, 198, 199, 210 ff., 234 Agrammes, 118, 1Z0, 121, 135, 137, 1 39, 164 Ahichchhatra, Adhichhatra, 69, 70, 212, 274, 275 Aikshvaka, 49, 50 Aila, 7 Aindra mahabhisheka, 89, ff. Aindrota, 14, 17, 30 Aja, 110, 111 Ajaka, 112 Ajami(jha, 7 Ajatasatru KaSya, 28, 19, 34-36, 39 AjataSatru, Kunika, 68, 63, 65, 103-116, «14 Ajivika,169, 171, 182, 185 AkarSvanti, 262, 267 Akonphis, 126 Akshapataladhikrita, Keeper of the Records, 285 Akshavapa, 88 Alasanda, Alexandria, 136, 162 Alavi, Alabhiya, Alavaka, 99, 100, 313 Alexander, 117, 119, 124, 127, 130, 132, 134-138, 141, 142, 157, 174, 175, 187, 203, 225, 279 Alikasudara, 174, 175 Amachcha, Amatya, 146-149, 158, 167,^168, 198, 214, 258, 262, 268 Ambarisha. 50 Ambashtha, Ambattha, 131, 132 Ambashthya, 90 Amarakantaka Hill, 160 Anibhi, 127 Ambliiyas, 127 Amitraghata, Amitrochates, 155, 157 Ammaraja 1, 299 Arhtamahamatras, 166 Anantadevi, 289 Anantavarman, 304 Anarta, 267, 268 Anasva, 2 Andhaka, 72, 73 Andhra, iv, 42, 44, 45 ; 165 183, 215, 217 ff., 262 Andhrabhrityas, 211, 214-220 Anga, 28, 45, 46, 53-56, 68, 79, 99, 102, 104, 109, 304 Angirasa, 188, 312 Antarvedi, 286, 294 Antialkidas, Amtalikita, 213, 226, 234 Antigonos Gonatas. 174, 175 Antiochos the Great, 193, 194, 202-206, 2; 5 Antiochos Theos, 174, 175 Anu, 26, 27 Anupa, 262, 26/ 330 GENERAL INDEX Anurnddha, 110, 116 Anusamyana, 176 Anyataplaksha 6 Apachara, 66 Apachya, 82 A para Matey as, 71 Aparftnta, 165, 177, 219, 258, 262 265, 267, A pay a, 5, 6 Apisali, 131 Apollodotos, 206n, 208, 209, 225, 226 Apollonios, 235. 242 Aramaic, 124 A Hake, 25b Arikina, 275, 286, 300 Arishta, Arittha Jauaka, 22, 38 Aritthapura, 130 Aryaka, 112 Arjuna, King of Kanauj, 308, Arjuna Pandava, 62, 279 Arjunayanas, 279 Arta, 238 Artabhaga, 23 Aruna, 5 AruNi, 8, 9, 17,21, 23-25, 27, 31, 33, 36 Asandivant, 6, 10, 11 Ashadhasena, 212 Asiaui, 227 Asika, 262 Asitampga, 11 ASmaka, Assaka, 42-47, 74, 75, 118, 122, 125, 135, 262 Asoka, 43, 59, 71, 158, ff. Aspasian 125, 135 Aspavarnia, 235, 238 Assalftyana, Asvalayana, 9, 12, 36 41, 51,81, 126 A st a k filial is, 122 Astes, 136 Asuri, 18 AsVaghosha, 254 Asvajit, 134 Asvala, 23. 36 Asvamedhadatta, 13, 14, 15, 30 ASvapaM, King of the Kekavas, 21, 26, 27 Asvapati, King of the Madras, o<> + AsvataiaSvi, 17, 21, 27 Asvatthaman, 197 Atavyah, 44 Athama, 237 Atnara, 38, 51, 52, 90 Auchchamanyava, 14 Aupamanyava, 27 Avaha, 46 Avamnkta, 276 Avanti, 45, 46, 74-76, 100-103, 108, 109, 112, 131, 151, 186 Avantiputta, 73, 99 Avantivardhana 112,313 Avantivarman, 307 Avikshit, 2 Ayama, 258 Ayaputa, 166 Ayasi Komusa, 238 Ayogava, 84 Ayu, 7 Ayuktaka, 286 Azes I, 235 ff. A/fs II, 235 ff. Azilises, 236, 290 n. B Babhru, 41, 73 Babylon, 48, 141, 242 Bactrian, iii, 124, ,141, 202, 203, 206, 225, 227, 233 Bactriana 202, 204, 226, 227 Bactrian Greeks, 202, 203, 213, 227, 229, 243 Baghelkhand, 198, 295 Bahapatimitra, 199 Kahasati, 199 Bahasatimitra, 199, 212 Bahraich, 49 Bairat, 29, 7 1 Baithan, 864 Baiji,46 Bamdhikarava, -87 GENERAL INDEX 33 i Baladhvaksha, 166 BalAditva I, 297, 298 BalAdityall, 300, 30L Balaki, 28, 30 Balasri, 268 Balavarman 273 Balhika, 7 Balipragraha, 168 Balkh, *6 Bamhana, 221 Bamiyan regioD 2 10 Banagarh, 290 Banda, 66, 271 Bandhula, 65, 101 Bandhupalita, 260, Bandhuvarman, 288 Banga, 46 Banskhera, 290, 307 Bapaka, 269 Barabar, ."50 4 Barabaiiki, 304 BarSnasi, 33, 36. 47, 58, 99, 100 Barauasiggaho, 80 Barbara, 23 Barbaricum, 232 244 Bareilly, 69 Barhadratha, 57 Barhaspatya, 148 Barsaentes, 12-r Barygaza, 204, 225 Basti, w7 Beas, 26, 131, 203 Behistun, 77, 116, 123 Bellary district, 250, 257, 264 Benares, 34, 35, 46, 47, 4S, 54, 76, 80, 85, 86, 91 Berar, 40, 43 Besatie, 163 Be8nagar, 212 Bessus, 124 Betul, 294 Bhadavaniya monks, 264 Bhaddasala, 121, 140 Bhadradevi, 111 Bhadraka, 212, 213 Bhadramukha, 260, 269 n. Bhadrasena, son of AjataSatru, 36 Bhadrasena, son of Kalasoka, 113 Bhadravsihu, 154 Bhiigabhadra, -213, 224, 226, 234 Bhogadatta, 306 Bhiigadugha, 88 Bhagala, i 30 Bliagalpur, 53 Bhaga ouriga, 212 Bhagavata 212, 213, 214, 217, Bliaggas 68, W7, 98, Bhagiratha 50, Bhagirathi, 69, Bhagyadevi 290 Blialan-ses, 130 Bhallata, 48 Bhallatiya, 48 Bhallaveya, 27 Bhanu Gupta, 301 Bharadvaja, 197 Bharadvaja, Sukesa, 36, 51, 81, BharaSivas, 256 Bharata, 185 Bharata Dasarathi, 21, 26, 27 Bharata Dauhshanti, 7, 42, 7i, 90, 224 Bharata dynasty, 31, 32, 34 Bharata of Sovira, 74 Bharatas, 6, 7, 14, 15, 32, 34 Bharatavarsha, 224 Bharata War, i, 1, 5 Bharati 6, 7 Bharatpur, 28, 268, 280 Bhargava, 41 Bharhut Gallery, 110, 112 Bharsar hoard, 297 Bhartridaman, 269 Bhasa, 15 Bhaskaravarman, 308 Bhatasvapati, 287 Bhattiya, 55, 58, 97 Bhaujya, 82, 83, 87 BhavaNagi, 256, 314 Bherighosa, 171, 196 Bhikshukis, 153 Blulsa, 44, 165 Bhima, 12, 69 Bhimasena, 2, 3, 4, 13, 15, «0 Bhimavarman, 308 lihima King of Vidarbha, 3,9,41, 73, 76 Blur mound, 24 Bhitari, 289, 290, 296 Bhoganagara, 65 Bhagavati, 284 332 GENERAL INDEX Bhojas, 12, 43, Ht 73, 76, 84, 164, 165, 296, 312 Bhoja, Dan >kya, 89 Bhojaka, 286 Bhojakata, 41 Bhojanagara, 28 Bhudeva, 189 Bhujyu, 23 Bhumimitra, 21 1 BhQtapfila, 119 Bhutaviras, 11 Bihar, 18, 56, 59, 290, 30*, 308 Bijayaga.h, 268, 279, 280 Bilsad, 288 BimbisSra, i, v, I •">, ~)Q, 55, 58, 59, 68, 77,81, 82, 91, 97, 101, 103, 104, 105, 109, 111, 1.2, 116, 117, 161, 169, 172, 182, 188, 272, 314 Bindueara, Amitra<;hata, 138, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158,159, 160, 183, 188, 194, 195, 196 Bisi, 164 Bithur, 280 Bodhgaya, 108,212,281 Bodhi, 98, 10S, n. Brachmaos, 133, 144 Brahma, 189, n. Brahmadatta of Ariga, 55, 59, 99, 104 Brahmadatta of Assaka, 42, 74, 90 Brahmadattas of Kasi, 34, 35, 17. 53, 80, 91 Brahmadatta of Pafichala, 70 Brahmakshatra, 68 Brali mam it ra, 21 1 Rrahmanabad, '33 Brahmaputra, 295 Hrahmar>hidesa, 29 Brnhmavaddhana, 33 Brahmi, :25, 238, 239 Brihadratha, ">i Brihadratha Maurya, 198, 184, 186, 197 Brihaduktha, 58, 70 Brihaspati Mitra, 199, 224 Brihaspati vak, 89 Buddha Gupta, 252, 189 Buddha Tathagata, iii, 9, 48, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 56, 57, 63, 80, 81, 82, 101. 107, 126, 163, I8l>, 244, 225 n. Budha Gupta, 289, 294. 299, 300 Budila, 17, 21, 27 Bukhara 227, 246 Bulandshahr. 273 Bubs, 97, 98 Bumodus, 124 Bundelkhand, 276, 277 Caesar, 84 (alingae, 160 Cambyses 122 Canakka, 99 Candagutta Maurya, 99, 121 Cannanore, 140 Caryanda, 123 Cathaeans, 128 Caucasus, 198, 203 Ceylon, 172, 17-\ 174, 175 Chaharata, 257 Chaitva, 162 Chaityaka. 56 Chaidyoparichara, 57, 66 Chaikit&yana, 33 Chakra, 93 Chakrapalita, 294 Chakrayana, 14, 16, 23, 29, 30 Chalikya, 304 Chalukyas, 304 Chambal, 69, 71 Chammak Grant, 43 Champa City> 5*> 64» 55» f 8 Champfinagara, 54 Champapura, 54 Champa River, 58 Chauakya, 139, 155, 196 Canarese, 33 Chan-chu, 313 (Miandana, 56 Chan'Ja Pradyota Mahasena, 58, 103 Chaudra, 256, .74 Chandragiri, K> I Chandra Gupta I, 272, 273 Chandra Gupta II, 256, 266, 269, 270, 273, 277, 280, 282 ff. GENERAL INDEX 333 Chandragupta Maurya, 8,18(5, 137, ff. Chandragupta Munipati, 154 Chandra Gupta Vikramaditya, 282 ff, 310 ff. ( luu ul rath sa, 266, 274 Chandravala, 55 Chandiavarman, 27?, 274 Chandur, 41 Chang-K'ien, 245, 246 Chara, 153, 168 Charaka, 254 Charsadda, 24 Charshani, 89 Chasntana, 233, 240, 259, 260, 261, 266,* 267, 268 Chauroddharanika, 286 Chedis, 29, 45*, 65, 67, 71, 78, 223 Chellana, 63, 104, 106 Chera, 173 Chetaka, 62, 63, 104, 10t), 107 Chetas, 216, 223, 225 Chetis, 223 Chhahara, 237, 238 Chhatrava, 239 Chhavillakara, 163 Chicacole, 276 China, 163, 265 Chinab, 31, 128 Chinese, 235, 24+, 245, 248, 249, 250, 252, 253, 254, 271, 281 Chinese Turkestan, 245 Ching-ti, 230 Chiratadatta, 288 Chir Stupa, ^5i Chitor, 202, 205 Chitrasena, 2 Chola, 172, 174, 175 Choramargana, 168 Chora Kajju" 168 Chora Kajjukas, 168 Chouang-mo, Chouang-mi, 246 Chuksha, 237 Chulani, 70 Cleisobora, 7 1 Cochin, 173 Cochin China, 54 Cudomannus, 124, 135, -232 Coimbatore, 140, 173 Conjeeveram, 276 Cophseus, 134 Copheu, 122 C uinth, 122 Cretans, 133 Cyrene, 174 Cyrus, 122 Cutch, 259, 261, 267 Dabbasena, 80 Dabhala, 275, 286, 294, 301 Daddarapura, 67 Dadhivahana, 55, 68, 90 Dahae, 134, 245 Daivapa, 3, 11, 14, 17, 30 Daivaputra, 256, 280 Daivavridha, 41, 72, 73 Dakshayana Sacrifice, 60 Dakshina Mathuia, 172 Dakshinapada, 40 Dakshinapatha, 40, 44, 75, 151, 216, 222, 275 Dakshinapathapati, 221 Dakshinatva, 40, 74 Dalbhya Chaikitavana, 33 Dalbhya Kesin, 32, 33 DSmaghsada 1, 269 Damajada Art, 269 Damana, 275 Damasena, 269 Damodara Gupta, 305. Damodarpur, 278, 28«, 294, 300, 302 Dandaka, 39, 48, 44, 74 Daijf.aki, 48 Dancjapasadhikarana, 287 DaKclapasika, 286 Darida Samatft, 190, 191 Dan<"iika, 286 Dantakura, 42 Dantapuranagara, 42 Darius, 77, 123, 135, 145, 232 Darsaka, 102, 108, 109 DSrvabhisara, 12? Darayavaush, 128 334 GENERAL INDEX Dasapura, 288 Dasaratha (Ikshvaku), 86 Daiaratha Maurya, 181, 185, 186 Dasarna, 11 Dasafii'ddhaka, 1 20. Dasyu tribe, 15 Dattadevi, 2S2 Dattamitia, 201, SI I Dattamitri, 205 Dattas, 302 Dauhshanti, 7 Davaka, 278, D.rcan, 10, 44, 71, 125, !20, 221, 257, 205, 208,275, 278 Dei machos, 157 Delhi, 08 Demetrias Polis, 205 Demetrios, 193, 203, 205, 206, 207, 209, 225, 226, 311 Desa, 286 Devabhumi, 211 Devabhuti, 2U, 216 Devachandra, 1 11 Devacjravas, 6 Deva Gupta T, 111, 282, 307n Deva Gupta, II, 307 Deva Gupta, III, 309 Devakiputia, 312 Devanaihpiya, 100,165 170, 171, 185 Devanaihpiya Dasaratha, 185 Devanaihpiya Piyadasi, 159 Devanaihpiya Tissa, 1 7 I Devapala, 296 Devapi, 85 Devaputra, 248, 251, MB Devaraja, 282 Devarashtra, 275, 270, 278 Devas, 1 7 1 Devavarman, 18+, 186 Devavata, 6 Dhamma, 176 PhaBHMgboto, 171 Dlmmmaniyama 181 Dhammavijaya. 161, 169 IT Dhammavutas, 77, 178 Dhana (Nanda), 120, 313 Dhanabhuti, 271 Dhauafijaya, 275 Dhanafijaya Koravya, 68 Dion, 213. Dhanika, 187 Dhanyavishnu, 300 Dharma. 179 Dharmaditya, 281, 281 Dharmamaharoatras, 157, 177, 179, 1!M), 192 Dharmaranyavihara, 162 Dharuiilsoka, 159, 182 Dhataraitha of Anga, 55, 71 Dhauli, 161 DhavaU, 186 Dhavalnppadeva, 186 Dhritarashtra Prince of Ka>i, 11, 84, 12,17, 7t l)hritarash$ra Vaichitravirya, 7 I)l,riti, 20, 37^ Dhruvasvamini, 287 Dhumrasva, 00. Dhvasan Dvaitavana, 29 Dii^hacharayaiivi, 101, 10;» Dighati (Dighiti), 53, 80, 91 l)i28 Dranjjianian house, 233 DraviVa, 68 Dravidian, 41 Dri.'havarman, 55, 102 Drishadvati, 5, 6 l.riti, 11, 17,30 Drona. 197 Drahyu, 72, 16 Drupada, 81 Duminukha, 38 Dnmmakha Luhchhavi, 63 Durdhara, 15 + Durmukha, 33, ::8, 39, 70, 76 Durrodhana, £60n Dushtamatyah, 1 Dushtaritu. Dvaiiaiva, 260 Dvaitavana, £9 Dvaraka, 77 Dwaraka, 267, GENERAL INDEX 335 E. Eastern Chalukva, 299. Egypt, 12J, 174, 183 Eka-Bam liana, 221 Ekachakra, 3< Ekarat, 87, 273 Ekbatana. 144 Elilmalai, 140 Ellore, 276 Ephori, 153 E pirns, 174 Eranj 275, 277, 278, 288, 294, 300, 301. EraiM.lapali, 270 Erandapalla, 275, 276, 278 Erandol, 278 Erannobaos, 143 Erythraean Sea, 232 Eryx, 125 Euaspla, 125 Eudemon, 136 Eukratides, 205, 206, fc06n, 207, 208, 209, 225, 226, 227, 260n Euthydemia, 205, 226 Euthydemos, 202, 203, 204. 208, 209, 22-\ 227 Euthymedia, 205, 226 Fei-she-li, 60 Fo-to-kio-to, 289n, 29 7n, 299 F. Furrukhabad, 31 Fu-li-chih, 60 G. Gadara, 7/, 123 Gaggara, 55 Ganapati Naga, 256, ^73, 274 Ganarajas, 63, 65, 107 Gaiidhara, 23-26, 38-41, 45, 76-77, 79, 99, 113, 116, 12>ff 135, 142, 162, 177, 190, 232, 234, 2+2, 243, 247 n 249, 253, 254. Gandhari, 24, 54, 56 Gangaridae, 120, 135, 155, 164 Gargi, 23 Gargya Balaki, 28, 36 GaiKJas, 503, 305, 308, 309. Gaupalayana, 14 Gautama, Aruna Aupavesi, 27 Gautami Balasri, 262, 233 Gautami|)utra, 220ff, 262ff Gaya, 57 Gaya 53, 55, 56, 286, 297, 304 Gtdrosia, 122, 142, 227 Ghataka, 2H, 257 Ghatotkacha 27 2 Ghatotkacha Gupta, 288 Gliora An«^irasa, 188, 312 (iinkshit I V Girivraja (in Kekaya), 26, Ml Girivraja (in Magadha), 26, 56, 111. Glausians, 128 Gomati Kottaka, 308 Gondophernes, 229 Gopalaka, 103 Gopal \aihidari, 21 I Goparaja, 300, 301 Goptri, 94, 167, 237, 286 Gorathagiri, 56 Gosala, 107, 169 Gotama Buddha, 9, 51, 54, 57, 65, 81, 116, 169 Gotama Kahugana, 20 Govardliana, 311 Govikartana, 88 Govinda Gupta, 286, 287 Grahavaiman 307 Gramabhritaka, 154 Gramani,'86, 88, 91, 92 Gramavnddha, 134 Gramikas, 91, 92, 104, 151, 154, 286 Gunabhara, 172 Guuakhya Sankhayana 9, 10, 18 Gupta, Maharaja, 272 Guraeans, 12') Gurjara, 62 Gusana, 244 Guttas, 310 336 GENERAL INDEX H. Hagamasha, 238 Havana, 238 Haihaya, 75, 118 Hairanvanabha. 5 1 Hakus'iri, 223 Hapsburg, 93 Hariscbandra, 50, 5>, 192, 313 Harishena King, 310 Harishena, Prasastikara, 277, 281 Harivarman, 304 Haro, 24 Harsha, 55, 290, 295, 306ff Harsha Gupta, 303, 304 Hasti, 126, 135, 180 Hastin, 301 Hastinapura, 6, 11, 13, 15, 30, 67,09 1 1 a-ti v;uin:in, 275, 276n Hatthipura, 67 Heliodoros, 213, 226 Heliokles, 200, 206ff, 226 Hellas, 124 Hemachandra, king, 60 Hephaestion 126 Hermaios, 206, 229, 236, 243, 245, 247, 251 Hidus, 123 Hima, 248 Himavanta, 48, 83 HiranyanSbha, 36, 51, 52, 81 Hiranyavali, 64 Hiung-nu, 230, 245, 24<*» Hohenzollern, 93 1 1 unas, 256, 291 ff, 300ff. 306 Hushkapura, 254 Huvishka, 249, 254 Hvdaspes, 135, 136, 138, 227. I. Ibbyagrama, 30 Ikhnaton, 183 Ikshvaku, 20, 36, 49ff, 69, 61, 71, 118, 192 Iudapatta, see Indraprastha Indo-Greek, 215 Indo-Scythia, -39, 240 Indradyumna, 27 Indm Jyeshtha, 89 lndra Mitra, 211 Indrapalitfl, 184, 185 [ndraprastha, Indapatta, 1 ndapattana 12, 15,4 7, 68, 69, 99, 172, 173 Indrasena, 2 Indravarma, 238 lndra Vritrahan, 29 I nil rot a Daivapa (Daivapi) Saunaka, 3, 11, 14, 17, 18, 30, In-mo-fu, 230, 235 Tsanavartnan, 305 Ishukara, 69 Isila, 166 Tsvaradatta, 269 Isvarasena, 265 Isvaravarman, 304 TthijhakamahSmJUras, 167 Itthasas, 13 J. Jabala, 27 Jaivali, 33, 70, 92 Jala Jatukamva. 34 Jala ilka, 1 8 O 93 Jambudvipa, 47, 99, 189, 226 n. Janaka, ii, 8, 15-23, 26-31,33.36 90, l»8, 191 Janakapur, 59 JanakavainSa, 20, 21, 37 Janamejava ii, 2, 3, 5, 8-18, 76, 89- 91, 311 •Tana SiiikarJlksbya, 2 7 JanaSruti, 84 Jarasandha, 57 Jftratkarava, 23 .lava (Itihasa), 13 Jayadfiman, 240, 259,260, 267. Javadatta, 300 GENERAL TNDEX 387 Jethamitra, 211, 212 Jettuttara, Jetuttara, 99, 180 Jihunia, 238 Jinaprabhasuri, 185 Jivadaman, 209 Jivaka, 103 Jivita Gupta I, 302, 303 Jivita Gupta 11. 308, 309 Jiyasattu, 99, 100 Jfiatrikas, 59 Jushka, 249, 254 K. Kabul, 122. 125, 136, 142,162, 193, 204, 225, 229 ff, 254, 256, 285 Kacha, 273, 281 Kaclichha, 46, 267 Kadambas, 197, 219, 266, 309 Kadphises I, 247 ff, 314 Kadphises II, 248 ff, 314 Kabola Kaushitaki, 9, 23 Kaikevi, 27 Kaisara, 255 Kakas. 279, 280 Kakavarua, 112, 113, 118 Kakshisena, 2, 4, 14, 15 Kakshaseni, 4, 14 Kakuda Kachchayana, 9 Kakusthavarman, 309 Kalachampa, 54 Kalamas, 97, 98 Kalara Jauaka, 39, 45 Kalasena, 52 Kalasoka, 1 1 1 ff . Kalidasa, 43 Kalioga, 38, 41, 42, 43, 59, 74, 10+, 115 ff. 151, 160 ff, 169 ff, 195 ff, 199, 201 Kalirigaoagara, 223 Kallara, 255 ». Kailiope, 206 Kalsigiama, 204 Kamandaka, 311 Kamarupa, 278, 295, 306, 308 Kamboja, 23, 45, 77-78, 122, 126, 152, 162, 177, 190 Karbchanapura, 42 Kampilya, Kampilla, 31, 33, 69, 70, 100 Kamsa of Kosala, 80 Karhsa of Mathura, 73 Kauakhala, 28 Kanehi, 173, 275, 276 Kanishka, 249 ff. Kauishka II, 255 Kanfcakasodhana, 168 Kant'ha, 28, 129 Kanvas, 188, 211, 215 ff. 224 Kanyaknbja, Kanauj, 70, 193, 307 Kapatika, 153 Kapilavastu, 48, 81, 97, 98, 99 KapiSa, 122, 206m, 208, 230, 235, 237, 245, 248, 250, 255, 257 Kapsa, 245 Kapya Patanchala, 1 6, 27 Karanr.'u, 38, 41, 70 Karddamaka, 233, 266 Karua, 77, 79 Karnasuvarna, 164, 303 308 Kaniata, 276, 277 Kartripura, 279 Karusha, 44 Karuvaki, 181,184 Kasi, 14, 19, 23, 28, 33-36, 39, 40, 45-48, 67, 75, 79, 81, 100 ff, 297, 300 Ka«ia, 64 Kasiputra Bhagabhadra, 212, 213, 226 Kasmira. 27, 76, lfi>, 163, 184, 192, 193, 230, 232, 240, 253 ff, 299, 301 Kaspeiroioi, 239, 240 Kasu Chaidya, 66 Kasyapas, 1 1 Kathaioi 28, 128 Kaundineya, Kaundinya, 41 KaurAla, 275, 276* n. Kausambi, Kosambi, 6, 18, 15, 80, 81, 51, 55, 67, 68, 109, 162, 166, 211 Kausiki, 5 Kautilya. 121, 139, 311 Kavandhi Katvayana, 9 Kavasheya, 2, 8, 11, 17, 18, 311 Kaviraja, 281 .138 GENERAL INDEX Kekaya, 21, 23, 26-17 Ken, tin Kerali, 276 Kesaputta, 97, 98 Kesins, 32, 98 Ketalaputo, 172-174 Kevatta, 70 Khandava, 5 Khara'osta, 238, 241 Kharapallana, 253 Kharaparikas, 279, 280 Kharavala, 115, 119, 161, 199, 200, 217, 221 ff. Khasa, 62 Khshayarsha, 124 Kieu-tsieu-kio, 245 IT. Kikata, 56 King-maker. 86, 91. 92 Kingship, 82 ff. Ki-pin, 229 ff. 233, 285, 245 2ff, 255, 257 Kirata, fcS Kirtivarman, 304 Kleophis, 125 Koh-i-Mor, 126 Kolivisa, 91 Koliyas, 97, 98 Kollaga, 59 Kolleru, 276 n. Konfikainana, 180 Koravya, Kauravya, 12, 69, 131 Kosala (North), 9, 19, 21, 23, 34, 36, 45, 48ff, 79ff, 98, lOOff. Kosala (?86, 287 Kumarapala, ' r> Kumbhavati, 43 Kunala, 184, 185/ 195 Kurujag ama, Kundapura, 59 Knnrjina, 41 Kunika, 53, 65, 10 Iff, 13 t Kuritala, 119, 219, 222, 265, 277, 310 Kuntala Satakarni, 219 Kuru jangala, 5 Kurukshetra, 3, 5, 6, 7, 12, 14, 29, 131,311 Kururattha, 33, 69 Kurus 1,1, 5, 7, 12, 14ff, 23, 27ff, 45, 68, 68, 78,83,811,312 Kurush, 122 Kusadhvaja, 20 Kusa<*arapura, 56 Kusavati, 61, 65 Kushans, 2+5ff Kusambas, 224 Knsinara, 49, 62, 64, 65, 97, 99 Kusthalapura, 276 Kufiri, 18 Kusulaa, 238 Kusuma)>ura, 109, 111 Kuvera, 275 Kuveranftya, 2S3, 287, 290, 29] Kuvula Kadphisi 314 Kuyulakara Kaphsa 247 3U GENERAL INDEX L. 389 Lacedaemonians, 132, 131* Lad ha, 46 Lagaturman, 255« Laghman, 230 Lahyayani, 23 Lajjfi, 290 Lakshmana, 02 Lakshmana Sena, 241 Lalaka, 223w Lalitapatan, 1(53 Lampa, 78 Lampaka, 230 Laodike, 200, 207 Labavishaya, 286 Lelihakas, 1 It), 150 Liaka, '37, 238 Libya, 123 Lichehhavis, 40, 50-65, 101, 106, 107, 151, 72, 305 Likhita, 192 Little Rapti, 64 Lohicdicl.a, 81 Lohitva, Lauhitya, 295, 301, 302, 306 London, 49 Lumminigama, 162 Lysias, 206, 226 M. Madanapala, 296 Madda, 103 Miidhava Gupta, 295, 306, 308 Madhavasena, 198, 199 Madhavavarman II, 304 Madhumanta, 43 Madhura, Uttara, 73 Madhyadesa, Majjhimadesa, 24, 27, 28, 53, 79, 137, 152, ;87, 2(8, 220,232, 298, 308,309, 312 Madhyamika, 131, 202, 205 Madra, 16, 23, 27, 79, j>79, 280 Madravati, 3 Madura, 172, 173 Maga, 175 Magadha, 8, 26. 28, 45, 46, 53ff, 79, 81,91, 97ff, 223, 224, 271, 272, 295, 304, 305. 309 Magadhapura, 56 Magandiya, 102 Mahabaladhikrita, High Officer in Charge of the Army, 285 Mahabhoja, 72, 165 Mahabisi, 164 Mahadari(janayak», general, 285, 287 Mahiijanaka I, 22 Mahajanaka II, 21, 22, 38 Mahajanapadas 45ff Mahakachchana, 73 Mahakantara, 275, 278 Mahakosala, King, 45, 46, 52, 81, 82 Mahalakshmidevi, 298 Mahali. 63 Mahfimatras, 146, 156, 101, l66ff, 177ff, 195, 210/* Mahanandin, 110, 115 Maliapadma, 8,115,116, 117, 122, 109, 201, 273, 282m Mahapratihara, 287 Maharajya, 87 Maharashtra 165, 257ff, 280 Maharat his, i65 Mahasala, 27 Mahasammata, 60 Mai asena, Pradyota, 58, 103 Mahasena Gupta, 306, 307 Mahasenapati, 257 Mahasilakantaga, 107 MahasudassanA, 64 Mahavira, 47, 55, 59, 63, 107, 108, 169 Mahendra Maurya, 158, 175, 184 Mahendra, :?75 Mahendraditya, 288, 289, 299, 300 Mahendragiri, 160, 275, 276 Mahendrara'a II, 296 Mahinda, 9, 18 Mal.ipala 1,291 Mahiaht, 85, 88 Mahismati, 72, 75, 262, 267 Maho^aya, 07 Makhadeva, 21 340 GENERAL INDEX M&lava, 46, 261, 279, 295 Malaya 46 Malayas, 258, B61 Malichos 266» Malini, "> I Malla, 45, 46, 6+, 65, 67, 151, 176, 192 Mallakis, 68, 65, 107 Mallika, 101 Malloi, 181, 185 Mamala 262 Mambarns. 233, 258 Mlin-'avva 192 Mangala, 170 Manignl, 288 Maniyatappo, 314 Mantaraja, 27") Mantrin, 147, 285 Mantiiparishad. 148, 166, 210, 286 Marutta, 84, 90 Maski, 189 Massaga, 125, 135 Mataehi, 14, 30, 31 Mathava, 20, 21, 38 Mathnra, Methora, 42, 7 Iff, 172, 173, 187, 204, 211, 212, 224, 23 Iff, 237 ff, '?55 Matila, 273 Matrivishnu, 286, 300 Matsva 23, 28, 29, 45, 71, 78, 79 Manes 228, 23: ff Maukharis, 297, 304ff Manrya, iv, 8, 110, 121, 139ff Medes, 122 M - tsthenes, 143, 145, 147. 150, 16'», 165, 173, 18* Meghavarna, 281 Menander, 203ff Mevaki, 232, -2.", 1 Mihiraknla, 297, 299, 301 Miliml.i B«je Menander Min, 233 Minnagari 232ff Mithradates, Mithridates, 205, 406, 226, 227 Mithi, 19, 20 Milhila, 16, 19ff, 37ff, 47, 49, 54, 60, 70, 86,99, 100 Ultra Kings, 211, 212 Mlechchhas 292 Moga 232 ff. Moli 46 Molini 33 Moriyas 97, 99, 138, 139, 188 Monsikanos, 132, ff. Mrigadhara, 101 Mrigasikhftvana, 271 Muchipa, Mfitiba, Muvipa, 44,45 MujSvant, 24,54,56 Mnlaka, 74,262' Mnnda, 110,111,116 Munrjas, ^53 Mnt'ivakala, 200,201 Mimiri'ja, 233,280 N. Nabataeans, 266 n. Nabhaga. 60 Nabhaka, 163 N;il)hapamti, 163 Nachne-ki-talai, 277 Nadasi-Akasa. 238 Naga, 75, 220, 250, 255, 256, 274, 283, 8' 4 Nagabhat(a, 255 NagaDasaka, 110, 111, 116 Nagadatta, 273 Xagakharu'a, 141 N;iU'ala ViyohalakS, 166 N&ganika, Nayanika, 223 Nagarabhukti', 286 Nagaradhyaksha, 150 Nagarjuna, 251, 254 Nagarjnni, Hill 185, 295 Nagasahvaya (Hastinapura), 0 Nagasena, J*age, 226 n. Nagasena, king, 273, 274 Nagnajit (Naggaji, Naggati) 38, 3», 41, 73, 76, 77,90 Nahapana, 248, 257, 258, 259, 261 Nahusliva 7 Nakhavant, 256, 274 Naknh-i-Rnstam, 123 Nakula, 12 Nalanda, 300 Nambanns, 233, 258 GENERAL INDEX 34 Nami, Nimi, I :'-M, 87-41, 70, 76 Nanda 8,»7, 115 ff, 200, 201, 217 ff, SIS. Naudi, 255 Nandi, king, 273, > 74 Nandivardhana, 110, \U ff, 201 Na-pei-kea, 163 Narada, 41, 90, 131, 281 Narasim ha Gupta Balalitya, 297 Naravarman, 270 Naiayana Kanva, 215 NarayaiiapSla, 290 Nfsik PraSasti, 221, 229 Navadhyaksha, 151 Navanara, 264 Ngansi, 229, 24-7 Nichakshu, 6, 13, 15, 16, 30,31, 67 Nichchhivi, 62 Nichyas, 82 Nidhanapur, 306, 308 Nigantha Nstaputta, I 69 Nigliva, 163, 180 Nikaia, 186 Nllapalli, 276 Nllaraja, 275, 276 Nirgranthas, 169 Nirvana era, 117 Nishada, 267 Nisibi, 61 Nisrishtartha, 149 Niyoga, 312 Nyagrodhavana, 99 N)sa, 126 O. Odruka, 212 Ohind, ^56 Okkaka, 64, 8 '» Olympian Games, 87 Omphis, 127 Orissa, 42 Orosius, 131, 226 Orthagnes, 243 Ossadioi, 132 Otthaddha, 63 Oudh, 36, 48, 205, 288 Oxus, 2 >7, 246, 249, 255 Oxvdrakai, 131, 135 Oxykanos, 133 Ozene, 266 Pads, 174 Psdanjali, 85 Padha, 46 Padika, 240 Padmavati, city, 256, 274 Padmava'i, queen, 102 Pahlavas, iii, 242, 244, 26.', 265, 268 Pakores, 243 Pakthas, 130 Paktvike, 123 Pakudha, 9 Palaesimundu, 173 Palagala, 88 Pala^ali, 85 Palaka, 103, 109, IP, 313 Palakka, PAlakkada, 275, 276 Palibothra, Palimbothra, 118, 113 Palibothri, 164 Pallava, 265, 276, 281 Panchala, 23,27-29, 31-33, 45, 69- 71, 78,83, 9', 187,211,212 Pandaia, 1 73 Pan.avas, 4, 12, 28, 33, 312 Pandoouoi, 172, 279 Parous, 1, 4, 5, 12, 13, Pan.Jva, 46, 172, 173, 174, 175, 2. '4 Panku, 241 1 antaleon, 225 Para Atiwa, 38, 51, 52, 90,10 4 Paiakramanka, 273, 282 Parantapa, 68 Parasamudra, 173 Parasika, 2ti. 166, 1(58,177 Pradyota, 57, 58, 76, 102, 103, 108 ff. Praesti, 133 Prakasaditya, 297, Prakatalitya, 298, Pramaganda, 56, 57 Praiiava, 268 Prarjunas, 279, 280 Prasenajit (Pasenadi), 49, 51, 52, 81 100 ff. Prasians Prasii, 120, 135, 143, 151, 1 04 Piatardana, 34, 40 Pratichya, 82 Pratiharas, 62, 296 n Partipa, 2, 7 Pratishthana, 204 Pravahana Jaivali, 33, 70, 92 Pravarasena I, 277, 281 Pravarasena II. 10 Prithivishena I, 277, 278 Prithivishena II, 277 Prithivishena, mantrin, 288 Proti Kausambeya, 31, (57 Ptolemy, Geographer, 23'.', 257, 266 Ptolemy, historian, 128 Ptolemy, King, 157, 174 I'ukkusnti, 77, 103, i 10, 117 PulakeSin, II 172 Pulika 57, 76 Pulinda nng-ini, 44, 165 Pnlindas, 41, 45, If,;, Pulisa, 166, 168 Pulumayi, 261 ff Pulusha Praehinayogva, 17, 30 Punarabhisheka, SO, 8'», 91, 93 Pundravardhana, 164, 2S«, 288 299 Pnpphavati, 33 GENERAL INDEX 313 Pura Gupta, 290, 296, 297 Purnavarman, 187, 295 Purohita, 88, 191 Purus, 7, 51, 72 Purukutsa, 50, 51 Pururavas, 7, 84 Purushapura, 253, 254 Pushkara vati, 24, lo I Pushpabhuti, 295, 306, 807, ff Pushpapura, 187 Pushyadharman, 184, 186 Pushy agupta, 141, 162 Pushyamita, 184, 186, 107 ff Pushvaniitras, 289 ff R. Ra.'ha, 46 Radhagupta, 158 Ra.hapuri, 303 Rahamusala, 107 Raliugana, 20 Rahu]a,5l, 52 Rajagriha (Kekaya), 26 RAjagfiha (Magadha); 26, 53, 58, 97, 9*9, 103, 103, J06v 112, 183, .00, 228, 224 Rajagriha (Balkh), 26 Kfijakartri, Rajakrit, 86, 91, 92 Rajapura (Kaliriga), 42 Rajapura (Kamboja), 77, 78, 162 Rajapurushas, 168 Rajasasana, 146 Rajastamlayana, 18 Rajasuya, 84, 88 Rajjugahaka, 167, 168 Raj'juka, Rajukas, 166ff, 177ff, 190ff Rajuvula, 211 Ra'jyapala, 290 Rajyasri, 307 Rajyavardhana, 2i*5, 306ff Rama, 36, 50, 62 Ramagama, 97 Ramnpala, 296 Rani in a city, 83 Ranabliat.dagara, 287 Ksifijuhula, 238ff Rapti, 49 Rashtrapala. 120, 153, 167 Kashtrikas, 164, 165, 177, 190 Rashtrija, 141, 152«, 15.1 Rathagritsa, 14, 15 Rat n in, 88 Rerm, 41,42, 74 Revottaras Patava Ohakra Sthapati, 93 Riksha, 7 Rishabhadatta, 165 Rishigiri, 56 Rituparna, 50, 51, 52 Rohini, 98 Rohita, 50, 52 Romakas, Rome, iii, 39, 48, 84 Roruka, 99 Rudra, 265 Rudrabhuti, 269 Rudradaman 1, 152, 239, 240, 250, 254, 259ff, 265ff Rudradaman II, 269 Rudradeva, 273 Rudrasena I, Kshatrapa, 269 Rudrasena II, „ 269 Rudrasena I, Vakataka, 277 Rudrasena II, 256,*277, 282, 283 Rudrasirhha I, 269 Rudrasirhha III, 269 Rudiayana, 99 Rummindei, 168, 180 Rupadarsaka, 150 S. Saba, 283, 285 Sabaras, 44, 45 Sab*rmati, 207 Sabda, 268 Sacae, 227 Sacarauli, 227 Sacastane, 228n Sachiva, 146, 147, 198, 285 Sada-ohandra, 274 Sadaganna, 222 344 GENERAL INDEX Sadanira. 19, 20, 36, 48 Sasrala, Sagalanagara, 27, 99, 204, 226 Sagaradvipa, 203 Sagarika, 102 Sahadeva Panda va, 12 Sahadeva Sarnjaya, 60 Sahadeva father of Somaka, 39, 41 Sahadeva son of Jarasandha, 57 Sahadeva of Yaisali, 60 Sahasranika, 68 Saheth Mabeth, 49 Sahi, 23 1 Sai, 230 Sai river, 48 Saisunaga, 57, 114, 115, 116, 117, 201 Saivisrn, 255 Sai-wang, 230 Saka, iii, 227, 228, 230, 231, 232, 233, 23+, 235, 237, 239, 240, 241,24-2, 243, 215. 250, 252, fc68, 257, 258, 261, 262, 265 Sakaera, 239, 248, 251, 252,253, 258, 261, 2*50 3aka Kshatrapa, 211, 206, 270, 28 i £akala, 27, 204, 205, 225, 226, 280 Sakalva, 23, Saka Mnrnn<>, 230, 280 Saka Pahlava, 242, 252, 253 Sakasena, 265 &akasthana, 228, 231, 232, 233, 241 Saka Yavana, iii, 134, 262 Saketa, 49, 52, 53, 54, 99, 102, 187, 202, 205, 25.1 Sakiaditva 289, 299, 300 Sftkti Sri. Sakvamnni, 74, 167, 210, 25 1 sVikvas, 18, 49, 51, 81, !>7, 98, 100, 101, 151, 152, 159 Salisnka, 181, 185, ISC, 187. lUfln Salivahana. 220 Salva, 28, 2!>, 78 Samahartri, 148, 154, 168 Samajas, 171, 175, 176, 181 Samapa, i61, 162, 106 Samarkand. 22 7 Samatata, 164, 278 Samavati, 102 Samavayo, 182 Sambalpur, 275 Sambastai, 131 Sambhnttara, 46 Sambodhi, 180n Sambos, 133, 134 Sambnla, 35 Siimdhivigrahika, (Minister of Peace and War, 286 Samgiamadeva, 299 Sarhgiama Simha, 139, 313 Sumti, !>2 Sam karavard liana, 299 Samkassa (Sarikasva), 99 Sariikshobhi., 294,*295, 301 Sampadi, 184, 185 Samprati, 184, 185, 186 Samraj, Samrat, 82, 83, 84, 89 Samrajya, 82, 83, 86, 87 Sarristliah, 153 Sariitanu, 7, 85 Sninudaya, 168 SamndraGnpla, 231,256, 273ff, 281, 282, 292, 297 Satnndravijaya, 57 Sanakamkas, 279, 280 Sanoharali, 153 Saiichi, 212, 222, 279 Sftgdilya, 18 Sandrokottns, 137, 138 Sangaeus, 134 S:mafijaya of Panchala, 70, 71 Sanjayaof Pn.shkaravati, 134 S5njivi|nUra, 18 S&Akify*, 20 Sankhyayaka, 150 Sankhavana, 9, 10, ;8 Sannidhatri, 148 Sa;>a ((Coronation oath), 87 Sapedmnes, 2 \"> >;i|.|,Ala. 51 Sapya, 20, 38 GENERAL INDEX Saraganus, 221, 222 Saraostos, -.'03 Sarasvati, 5,6, 7, 80, 20, bit, |oS. 17»i, 280 Sarayu, 36, 41) Sardulavarman, 304 J?arkarakshy, 27 SarpaNbtra, 10, 17 Sarpika, 48 Sarvabhauma, SarvabhQmi, 10, 87,90 Sarvanaga, 293 Sarvavannan, 305 Saryaijavaut, 5 Sarvata, 90 gasaiika, 307, 308 Sasas, 213 Satadhanvan, 184, 186 Satahaui rattha, 220 SYitakarni I, 221, 222 Satanika, of Kansambi, 55, 68 Satanika Satrajita, 14, 34, 47, 90 Satanika son of Janamejaya, 13, 17, 30 Satavahani, 165, 214, 216, 262, 280 Satavahani-hara, 220 Satavastra, 243 Satiyaputra, I72ff Satrasaha, 32, 33 Satri, '53 Satrughna, 26 Sattabhu, 41, 74, 90 Satvats, Satvatas, 42, 7 Iff, 75, 82 Satvata vidhi, ".12 Satyayajna, 17, 27, 30 Saubhuti (Sopeithes, Sophytes), 128 Saudyumni, 7 Saunaka, lndrota Daivapa, i, 11, 14, 17, 30 Saunaka Kapeya, 14 Sauvira 205, 3 1 Savatthi (gravasti in Kosala), 9, 47, 49, 5 Iff, 99ff Savita Satvaprasava, 88 Scvlax, 123 Scythians iii, 131, 227i 232, -233, 237, 241; 243,257,271 Seleukos, 138, 141ff, 157, 187, 193, 213 Senani, 88 Senapati, 1 16, I5«n, 197, 198, 313 S.niya, 97, 101, 106 Seres, 204 Setak&nnika, 220 Seyanaga, 106 Seyaviy5 27 Sibi, Siboi, *&, 130, 131 Sibyrtios, 143 SiddhSrtha, father of Mahavira, 59 Siddh&rtha, (Bnddha), father of Rahula, 51, 52 Sigal, 228n Sigerdis, 203 Si ha, 63 Sihapura, 67 Sikhanriin, 32 Sikharasvamin, 285 Siladi'.ya Dharmaditya, 297 Silaka S&lavatya, 33 Silavat, 105 Silavati, 86 Simhala, 280 Simuka, 214, 216ff, 2 2 Iff Sindho (Indus), 23, 31 Sindha (in C. India), 205, 212 Sindhu-Sauvira, 250, 267, 268 Sindimana, 133 Sinthus, 232 Siradhvaja, 20, 21, 37 Siii-Vaddha, 101 Sisik ottos (Sasigupta), 134 Sisunaga (SusunSga), 57, 58, 11 Off, 313 Sisunandi, 211, 214 Sita, 19ff, 36 Sivas, Sivis, 130, 131 Siva Gupta, 271 Siva Nandi, 274 Siva Skanda Gupta, 271 Siva Skanda Varman, 220, 281 Siva Sri, 265 Skanda Gupta, 167, 289ff 3 16 GENERAL 1ND1-X Skanda Ni5ga, -257 Skanda Naga Sa'aka, 211), 220 Skandasvati, '219 So.'asa, 238ff Sodrai, 13?, 136 Sogdiana, 124, 227, 233 Soked, 253 Solanki, 304 Somadatta of VaiSali, 60 Somaka Sahadevya, :j9, 41, 60 Somaaarman, 184, 186 Somasushma Satyayajni Prachina- . yogya, 17, 18, 30 Sona, 33 Sonadanr.ta, 104 Sona Kolivisa, 91 Sophagasenus, 193 Sotthisena, 35 Sotthivatinagara, 66 Spalagadama, 228 Spalahora, 2. '8 Spalirises, 228, 229, 235, 236 Sourasenoi, 71 Sraishthya, 87 SrSvasti (SSvatthi), 9, 47 ff, 253 Sravastibhukti, 286 Srenika, 55, 97 Srichandra Sati, 265 Srigupta, 271, 272 ori Ilaridasa, 271 Srikantha, 295, 306 Srinagari, 162 Sriii jaya of VaiSalf, 60 Srinjayas, 3', 93, 311 Sri Pratapa, 288n Sri Ssta, 265 Sri Vatsa Devi, 2 7 Srutasena 2ff, 13, 15, 90 Sthanika, 154, 168 Sthapati, 93 Strategos, 235, 237 Stratos, 206, 208, 209, 225, 241, 260n Stryad byi kshaa, 1 6 7 Subhagasena, 193 Suchandra, 60 Suchivrikfiha, 14 Sudas, Sudasa, 29, 32, 90, 1:30 Sudarsana Lake, 141, 268. 294 Sudassana, 33 Suddhodana, 51, 52 Siie Vihar, 253 Sugriva, iii Sujyestha, 21 1 Sukalpa, 119 Suke£a Bharadvaja, 36, 51, 81 Suktimati, oukti Sithvaya, city, 66 Suktimati, river, 66 S.ikulideSa, 286 Sumana, 157 Sumati of Vaisali, 60 Surfapumaragiri, 68, 97, 99 Sunakkhatta, 63 Surigas, 188, 192, 193, 196ff, 21 Off, 221ff, 229, 271 Snplan Sariijaya, 60 Surapala, 1 14 Sura Parichara, 223 Suraraja, 83 Siiraseriakas, 29, 45, 71-74, 78, 79, 99, 118, 173 Smash tra, 40, 141, 152, 155, It. 5. 267, 280, 282, 283, 286, 293 Surasmichandra, 300 Smavarman I, 299 Suravarman II, 299 Siirparaka, 165, 258 Surundhana, 33 Suryavarman, 305 SuSarman, 215, 216, 218 Sushena, 2 Susima, 157, 158 Suakaletra, 162 Susthita varman, 295, 306 Sutasoma, 69 Suvarna bhumi, 54, 175 Suvarnagiri, 151, 162, 164, 166, 184' Suvastu (Suwat), 24, 126 Suvisakha, 268 Suyasas, 184, 185 Svablira, 267 Svamidatta, 275 C.KNKKAL INDEX Svarajya, 8 iff, 87 Svarat, 8 -J Svarjit, 77 S\avasya, 87 Svetaketu, 17, ^5, 33, 84, 92 Synndika, 48 Syrastrene, 239 Syria, 157, 174, 202 Tacitus, i Ta-hia, 22 7, 230, 245, 246, 285 Takebasila, Taxila, 10, 2 Iff, 70 l.M, 126, 131, 144, 151, 156, 162, 166, 177, 183, 194ff, 225, 226, !32ff Talagund, S09 Talajanghas, 76 Tambapamni, Tamraparni, 1/3, 175 Tamraparni, river, 172 Tamralipti, 161 Taprobane, 173 Tarquius, 39 Tathagata, iii Tathagata Gupta, 297, 300 Tel, 44, 165 Telavaha, 44, 165 Telingiri, +4, 165 Teutoburg Forest, 137 Theodotus, -202 Thucydides, i Tiastanes, 266 Tiberius, 248 Tien-tchou, 247ff. 255 Tikshna, 153 M9, , 93, 160, 213, 172, Ti-lo-shi-kia, 109 Tirabhukti, 286, 287 TishyarakshitS, 189 Tissa, 174 Tivara, 181, 184 Tochari, 227, Toramana, 300 Tosali, 1*51, 16 Iff, 184, 195 Tou-mi, 244, 246 Tours, 137 Trasadasvu, 50ff, Tripuri Vishaya 286, 294, 301 Trisala, 59, 62, 63 Trisama, 203u, 205 Trisariku, 50 Tryaruna, 50 Tukharas, 22, 7 Tumain, Tumbavana, 288 Tumburu, 281 Tundikeras, 76 Tur'a Kavasheya, 2, 3, 11, 17, 18, 311 Turamaya, 175 Turghna, 5 Turva^as, Turvasas, 32, 72 Tushaspha, 165, 166 U. Uchchaihsravas, 7, 33 Udaka, 212,213, 224 Uda-iakupa, 286, 287 Udaya of Kasi, 48 Udaya of Magadha, 109 Udayana, 15, 55, 67, 68, 98, 102, 103, 8] 1 UddSlaka Arnni, 8, 9, 17, 21, 23ff, 27, 31, 35, 36 Udichyas, 28, 83 Ugrasenu, Mahapadina, 117, 118, 122, 136, 275 Uiirasena Parikshita, 2, 3, 4, 13, 15, 90 Ujjain, 75, 99, 144, 151, 156, 162, 166, 177, 184, 186, 195, .96, 239, 266, 268, 280, 283, 284, 310 Ulysses, 183 Unmattavanti, 299 Upagupta, 305 Upali, 9, 18 Upaplavya, 29 Upirichara, 57, 66, 67, 223 Uparika Maharaja, 279/286, 287, 300 us (iKXERAL INDIA Uragapura, 172 Uraiyur, 172 Urasa, 127, 23 > Ushasti Chakrayana, 14, lf>, i:\. 30 L^havadata, 258, 261, 279 Usinara, 23, 26-29, 88, 180, 131, 279 Usinaragiri, 28 Utkrosana, 89, 92, 98, 313 Uttamaujas, 32 Uttaradhvaksltas, 150 Uttara Kuru, 27, 83, 312 Uttara Madhura, 73 Uttara Madra, 27, 83 Uttara Panchala, 32, 33, 67, 69, 70 UttarOpatha, 23, 77, 122, 134, 136, 151, lc.2, 224, 309 V. Yacliabliumika, I <>*"», 16S Vacliaknavi, 23 Va/'anagara, 267 o, Vahlikas, 274 Vahulasva, 20, 37 Vaichitravirva, 7 Vaidarbha, 4 Iff, 165 Vaideha, 17ff, 104 Vaidehaka, 153 Vaidchas, Later, 37, 40 Vaigai, 17 > Vaihara, 56 Vaiiajya, 83 \ airocliana, 54 Vaisali, 49, 59-64, 97, 103-109, 112, 113, 163, 27 2, 273, 287 Vaisiilians, 108 \ 'aisfilika Dynasty, 60 \ aisampayana, 10, 12, 13 Vaisya, 141, 152 Vaitarani, 42, 160 Yajapeja 83, 84, 86, 87 Vajasaneya 3 Vajheshka 249, 254 Vajira, 101, 105 Vajin, 101 Vajji, 39, 40, 45, 46, 58, 60, 97, 106, 108, 163. Vajra, 296 Vakiitaka, 48, IV, 6, 266, 276, 277, 278,281,282,283,810. Yakradeva, 223 Valavi, 286. Yiunadeva, 38 Vamakakshayana, 18 Vainba Moriyar, 140 Vanga, 27 1, 30 I Vaniyagama, 60, 100 Vaiiji, 17:) Varada, 199 Varaha, 56 Varakalyana, (it! Vara maud liata, 66 Vararoja, 66 Yardanes, 212 Vardhamana, 1 69 Varmans, 2w5 n Varuna Dharmapati, 89 Varnata, 299 Vftiv haganva, 3 1 1 Varus, 187 Vasas, 27, 28, 83 Vasabhakhattiva, 101 VaSati, 132 Vasavad»tta, 102, 103 Vasettbas, 64 Vasishka, 249, 250, 254, 255 Vasishtlnputra,222 \ a-ishtlnputra Hulumayi, !64 Ya-:ishthi|)utra &itakarni, 265, 268 Vasistlia, 20 Vasit4ii, 222 Vassakara, 106, 107 Vasu, 57, 67, 255n Vasudana, 68 Vasudeva Kushan, 165, 249, 250, •::>•:. 255 Vasudtva Kanva, 211, 214, 215, 216. Vfeadert Krishna, 213, 111 Yasu .Jveslitha, 211 Vasuladatta', 102 Yasu mat i, 56, 57 Yasuvnndhu, 297 ..pi, 309 l.l". 55, 67, 68, 98, 100, 102. GENERAL INDEX 849 VavatS, 85 Vedehaputta, 85 Vedehi, (50, 104 Vedebiputta, 104 Vedi Sri, 223 Vegi, 276 Vehalla, 105, 106 Vengi, -275, 276, 276n, fc291» Vesali, 49,6(), 99, 112 Vessabhu, 74, 75 Vesgantara, 98 Vidajrdha, 28 Vidarbha, 89, 40, 41, 48, 72, 198, 199, 201, 209, 262,804. \ ularbhi Kaundinya, 41 Videgha, 20, 21 Videha, 15, 16,17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 28,34,89,59,61, 104. Yidehadatta, 59 Vidisa, 44, 197, 198, 210, 212, 218. 214,226, 234, 256,274. Vidiwjabha, 1 01, 105 Vigatasoka Tiehya, 157 Vigrahapala, 1 14, 290 Yisrahasura, 114 Yihfuayatra, 170, 180, 181 \ ijaxaditya, 309 Yijayaditya IV, 299 Vijayakirti, 251 Yijayaj ala, 296 Yijavesa, 1<>3 Yikramaera, 235, 239, 242, 251, 814. Vikramaditya, Chandra Gupta II, 282, 283, 284. Vikramaditya, Skanda Gupta, 290 Yikrama, Fura Gupta, 297 Yima Kadphises II, 217, 314 Vimala-Kon'.:anna, 1 05 Yimanadasana, 179 Vimana", I SO Vinasana, 280 Vmayaditya, 30'.i Vinayakapala, 296u, Vinava sthiti sthapaka, 287 Vindhya, 40, 44, ill, 165, 262, 267 Yindhyasakti, 277 Vipasa, 26 Yipula, 56 Yira Chotfa, 811 Yira Malay as, 7 1 Virasena, 198, l'J9, 210 Virasena-Saba, 2S3 Vira$, 83 Vira' a, 28 Viiatanagara, 29, 71 Visa,' 163 Visa'.a, 60 Yusala (Ujjain), 284 Visanins, 130 Vishavajri, 163 Vishaya, '286 Yislmvapati, 286 Vishnu, 288, 311 Vighnogopa, 275 Vishnu Gupta Chandiadit\a, 309 Vishnukunt iu, 304 Vishnupada, 53, 55 Vishnuvardhana, 296 Vishti, 268 Vissasena, 48 Visvakarma, 90 Vissasena, 269 Y'isvasiiiiha, 269 Vitihotras, 71, 76 Vivutha, 17c»n Vizaoapatam, 276 Vonones, 228, 233, 235, 236 Vraja, 168 Viatya, 56, 62, 73, 114 Vriddhadyumna, 14, 15 Vrihas,ati, 181, 186 Vrijika (See Vajji) Vrishabha, 56 Yrisl.alis, 153 \ li.-hasena, 18+, 186 Vri>hni, 72, 73, 91 Vulture l\ak, 1 Of. V\aghra, 27 7, 278 Vya Yen-kao-tehen, 2*7ff Y'o^a-Nandi (mythical), 1 15, 313 Yona, 130, 142,' 101 Ysamotika, 259, 2C0, 266 Yudhajit, 27 Yudltfut>sranshti, 90 Yudhishthira, 1*2, 15, 08, 278 Ywe-eh ,227, !44ff, 2 Vut'iiti, 230 Yuktas, Ynlas. ICO, 107, lbS. 179. Yuvaniisva, 50 Z. /i Hakale, Zoscales, 266n /.da, 253 Z.-ionisrs, 238 Zeus, 208, 236 Zoroastrian. ! 15, .'•"< I BY THE SAME AUTHOR 1. The Early History of the Vaishnava Sect Demy 8 Vo. 146 pp., Price Rs. 2-13. Published by the Calcutta University. OPINIONS AND REVIEWS Professor E. Washburn Hopkins, Yale University, America — " Your book has given me great satisfaction 1 am particularly pleased to see an incisive study of this kind in the realm of religious history ...Believe me, in the hope of further contribu- tions of this character from your able pen * Professor A. Berriedale Keith, Edinburgh University. — " While I do not concur in your vie-v as to the original character of Krsna, I recognise the care with which you have investigated the issue, and value highly the elaborate collation of the evidence which your work contains, and which will render it of much service to all students of this, doubtless insoluble, problem. The stress laid on the epigraphic evidence and the fu 1 use made of it is of special value, while in many dt tails your opinions are of interest and value, as in the case of the date of Panini " Sir George Grierson. — "Very interesting and informing The book is full of matter which is of great importance for the history of religiou in India and will form a valued addition to my collection of books on the subject " F. E. Pargiter, Oxford. — " I agree with you in discarding various theories, but I don't think that Krishna Devakiputra is the famous Krishna, and it seems to me your exposition can stand just as well without the identification as with it. Your book will help to elucidate the whole matter, but are you sure that the cult does not owe something to Christianity ?" Professor F, Otto Schrader, Kiel, Germany. — "I perfectly agree with your opinion that the ChaVidogya passage on Krsna Devakiputra and his teaching is to be considered as the first historical record of Bhagavatism. There were, of course, many Kranas, but to 852 OPINIONS AND REVIEWS. conjecture that more than one was also a Devakiputra, is, to my mind an unscientific boldness which is the less justifiable as the teaching mentioned in that passage, as you show, perfectly agree with those e.g. of the Bhagavad-glta and the Rk quoted with the famous rfV*\'- tT"*' >■ the dudjf of the I History of the I'nixh/inro Sect" (Dr. Jules Bloeh of Paris). Journal ok ink Royal Asmic BoettrY or Oueat But i un\ — " The scope of this small book is rightly expressed in its title. The author, who is lecturer in History in the Calcutta University, has collected and discussed statements, references, and allusions from the early literature to throw light on the po-ihon and life of Krsna and the growth of Bhagavatism. He deals with the various theories that have been put forward, and with good MHO is discredits the views that Krsna Va^udeva was a solar deity or a tri al god or a vegetation deity. He is right in treating Kr?ua Vasudeva as one person, the \ rsi.i chief, but he unnecessarily identities him with Kr.na Devaki- putra, the scholar mentioned in the Chaudogya Cpanishad " (P. K. Pargiter). Tint Bombay Chroniulk, Junk 19, 19$!. — "In this small book of a hundred and seventeen pages, Mr. Hemchandra Ray- chaudhuri of the Calcutta University has collected much valuable material from which he has succeeded in tiacing the origin and growth of the Vaishnava creed. The Historicity of Shrikrishna — or as the author calls Him Krishna Vasudeva, is also handled with remarkable clearness " OPINIONS AND RKV1KWS. 353 2. Political History of India from the Accession of Parikshit to the coronation of Bimbisara. Reprint from the Journal of the Depart merit of Letters, Vol. IX. Royal 8 Vo., 96 pp. :— Professor E. Washburn Hofkins: — "It is a fine augury for Indian scholarship when native scholars of the first rank take seriously in hand the great problem of untangling the web of Indian history. To this work your book is a valuable contribution/' Professor H. Jacobi, Bonn: — "Very suggestive and contain some important details." Professor F. Otto Schrader : — " I have read the book with increasing interest and do not hesitate to say that it contains a great many details which will be found useful by later historians. The portion I enjoyed most is that on the sixteen Mahajanapadas." Professor A. Berriedale Keith : — " Full of useful information." Professor L. D. Barnktt, British Museum: — "Presents the facts very veil. It will be very useful to students." Professor E. J. Rapson, Cambridge : — " 1 write to thank you for your kindness in sending me copies of your interesting papers." W. Chari.es de Silva, Colombo: — " 1 have the greatest pleasure to express my high appreciation of your very valuable and learned article." 3. The Laksmanasena Era Reprint from Sir Asutosh Mookerjee Silver Jubilee Volumes, Orientalia, Calcutta — Published by the Calcutta Univer- sity and Printed at the Baptist Mission Press 1921. Professor Dr. Stkn Konow, Kristiania (Norway): — ' Many thanks for the reprints which you have been good enough to send me. I have read them with great pleasure. They are written in a thoroughly scholarlike way, and more especially it seems to me that your paper about the Laksmanasena era deserves very careful attention." 354 OPINIONS AND REVIEWS. 4. The Mahabharata and the Besnagar Inscription of Heliodoros JASB, 192£, No. 5, Professor H. Jacobi : — "The verification of the Bhagavata credo in the Besnagar inscription is a find on which you may be congratulated." Professor E. Washburn Hopkins: — "It is certainly a remarkable lesemblance which you have established and I should l>e inclincl to agree with your conclusion." University of Toronto library Acme Library Card Pocket Uader Pat. "Rd. Inda Flit" Made by LIBRARY BUREAU